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Monokultur » Trump-Rusland historien som murbrækker


Trump-Rusland historien som murbrækker

Diverse — Drokles on December 5, 2017 at 10:14 am

To medarbejdere, en mindre hjælper ved navn George Papadopoulos og Trumps tidligere sikkerhedsrådgiver Flynn er kommet i vanskeligheder fordi de har talt usandt til FBI. Papadopoulos ved ikke at kunne huske tidspunkterne for nogle samtaler med nogle russere, Flynn for helt at benægte at han som sikkerhedsrådgiver in spe kontaktede den russiske ambassadør og andre repræsentanter for medlemmer af FNs Sikkerhedsråd og lod dem forstå, hvad USA kom til at mene om underkendelsen af jødernes ret til Judæa og Samaria uagtet Obamas stille forræderi.

FBIs efterforskningsleder af alting russisk Robert Mueller har indtil videre intet frembragt, der på nogen måde, kan indikere at Trump og hans stab på nogen måde har samarbejdet med ‘russere’ om at blive USAs præsident. Mueller har fået frie hænder og næsten ubegrænsede ressourcer og i hans arbejdsplan indgår ordet kriminelt ikke, ingen konkrete mistanker skal derfor følges og ingen konkrete teorier for hvad der kunne være foregået, skal defineres. Bare frie hænder til at rode rundt i hele Trumpstabens undertøj og altså intet bevis eller indikation af et bevis har det kastet af sig. Det eneste undersøgelsen af Trumpkampagnens kontakt til ‘russere’ ser ud til at kastet af sig er kriminalitet, skriver Danield Greenfield - og så er det en heksejagt.

We’re now in Act 3 of a leftist conspiracy to invent a conspiracy to justify its own conspiracy.

In Act 1, the Clintons created the Trump-Russia conspiracy theory and used a British former intelligence agent with connections to Russia and the FBI to inject the dossier into the FBI. In Act 2, Obama officials used the dossier to justify their eavesdropping on Trump officials In Act 3, Team Mueller is using that illegal eavesdropping to entrap and generate crimes against assorted Trump officials.

After all this time, the conspiracy theory remains as unproven as ever.

And the conspiracy theory is that the past election was illegitimate, that Trump doesn’t belong in the White House and Hillary does, and that radical measures must be taken against the First Amendment, the Electoral College and our entire political system to prevent such a “mistake” from occurring again.

That’s not just a conspiracy theory. It’s a radical leftist conspiracy against America.

Både sikkerrådgiver Flynn og ovennævnte Papadopoulos har begge erklæret sig skyldige i at lyve for FBI. Men de har ikke tilstået at have deltaget i nogen sammensværgelse, såsom at tage eller forsøge at tage illegal kontakt til ‘russere’. Det vil sige at ikke nok med at der ikke er etableret et bevis for en sammensværgelse, så kan d’herrer ikke bruges som vidner da det eneste vi ved er at de lyver. Sammen med tidligere kampagneleder Paul Manaforts økonomiske trangressioner fra tiden før Trump understreges indtrykket, at der intet er i russer-fortællingen. Både Hillary-støtten Alan Dershowitz og National Reviews Andrew C McCarthy mener derfor, at Muellers ‘russer’ undersøgelse er og altid har været en rigsretsundersøgelse.

Og hvad der skal ende i en Rigsret er at Trump måske har hindret en efterforskning. Her er vi tilbage til team-Trump, der efter valget tog kontakt til medlemmerne af FNs Sikkerhedsråd. Men da der kun er en præsident ad gangen og denne er den siddende, kan man forestille sig at Trump har villet dække over en sådan faux-pas og frygtet at den såkaldte Logan-act, der forbyder andre end de rette myndigheder at føre politik på USAs vegne, ville træde i kraft. Og at det måske var denne frygt, der ansporede Flynn til at lyve om at han faktisk havde talt med den russiske ambassadør i tiden fra valgsejren til indsættelsen. Men selv i det tilfælde, ser det ikke ud til at være grundlag for en rigsret, argumenterer McCarthy videre

The FBI and the Justice Department are not a separate branch of government; they are subordinates of the president delegated to exercise his power, not their own. Even on Comey’s account, Trump did not order him to shut down the Flynn investigation, even though he could have. Trump could have ordered an end of the Russia counterintelligence investigation, but he did not. He could have pardoned Flynn, which would effectively have ended the FBI’s criminal investigation — beyond any possibility of review. We can stipulate that these would have been sleazy things to do, potentially damaging to national security, and still grasp that the president had the undeniable power to do them.

Similarly, the president had undeniable power to fire the FBI director. You can argue that his reason was corrupt, but the truth is that he didn’t need a reason at all — he could have done it because it was Tuesday and he felt like firing someone; he could have done it because he figured that the Justice Department’s criticism of Comey’s handling of the Clinton emails investigation gave him the political cover he needed to dispense with a subordinate he found nettlesome. The point is that even if the president hoped that cashiering Comey would derail an investigation he was addled by, it was wholly in Trump’s discretion to fire the director. Moreover, firing the director did not derail the Russia investigation; it has proceeded apace under the director whom Trump appointed to replace Comey.

The president may not be prosecuted in a criminal judicial proceeding for exercising his discretion, however objectionably, in executive matters over which the courts have no power of review. If Mueller tried to indict him, Trump would have unfettered discretion to fire Mueller and to direct the Justice Department to drop the case.

You may not like that, but that’s the way it is. It is not, however, the end of the matter.

Men, skriver McCarthy videre, Kongressen har stadig magten til at beslutte sig for en Rigsret. Dette vil dog være en absurd ide og vil i givet fald skabe en konstitutionel krise argumenterer Alan Dershowitz,

Sumpen pisker en stemning om landsforræderi op som den omsætter i en undersøgelseskommision, hvis uhæmmede adfærd, tvinger medlemmer af team-Trump til fejltagelser, som de straffes for i håbet om at Trump vil reagere retfærdigt og give dem et velplaceret spark ud af vagten, hvilket de vil bruge til at stille ham for en rigsret for misbrug af sin magt.

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