Den svenske udenrigsminister kom til at fornærme muslimerne, da hun kritiserede Saudiarabiens barbariske skikke. Som et forsøg på at forklare sig sondrede hun bizart mellem sharia og islam. Sverige undskyldte til sidst deres forsvar for banale menneskerettigheder.

Venstrefløjens forståelse af frigjorthed og almenmenneskelige værdier strider imod islam. Det vil de ikke indrømme og har flittigt brugt islam og muslimer som rambuk i deres forbitrede hævntogt på kristne og konservative nationale dyder og vædier, der er stedfortræder for de forældre der gav dem ikke blot alt, men måske mere end de kunne bære. Og så langt de er lykkedes med deres ødelæggelse af deres ophav så langt sidder de nu mere og mere alene tilbage med islam og muslimerne. Efterhånden har de ikke den gamle nation som mellemlæg at skyde på, men står nu selv overfor islam og muslimerne. Nu mærker de efterhånden omend ufrivilligt de kulturelle brudzoner.

I “Foråret 2013 kørte Center for Voldtægtsofre” kampagnen “At klæde sig sexet er ikke kriminelt“. Nu vil Københavns Kommune også markere sig ifølge Jyllands-Posten

Sæsonen for sol og masser af bar hud er åbnet, og det falder sammen med Københavns Kommunes anti-voldtægtskampagne.

Som blikfang i bybilledet på busser og plakater er netop en nedringet pige, der ledsages af teksten: »At klæde sig sexet er ikke kriminelt – voldtægt er!«

»Det er desværre en nødvendig kampagne, for der er stadig behov for at fastslå, at man har ret til at sige nej til sex uanset hvad. Selv om man optræder i en nedringet bluse eller kommer til at drikke sig lidt for fuld, er det ikke ensbetydende med, at man på forhånd har sagt ja til sex,« siger sundhedsborgmester Ninna Thomsen (SF) om baggrunden for kampagnen.

Skønt det er kampagner, der kun skal stive de kampagnerendes skinhellige selvforståelse af, er det en kampagne, der retter sig direkte imod islam (og vel også mod Uffe Ellemanns tilsvarende  bebrejd-offeret logik). For et par år siden kunne man som nogen nok husker høre hvorledes muslimske piger i Vollsmose følte sig sikret imod chikane, fordi de “bar uniformen“. Ingen kan være i tvivl om, hvad tørklædet og den videre formummelse betyder selv om venstrefløjen benægter hårdnakket, også for sig sig selv.

Tyrkiets præsident Recep Tayyib Erdogan har udover at advare Paven mod at tale for meget om det armenske folkemord, raset imod Københavns beslutning om til maj i nogle dage at opstille denne skulptur til minde om osmannernes folkemord (i medierne omtalt folkedrab) på armenierne

“Ingen husker armenierne” skal Hitler have sagt, som et carte Blanche for at løse ‘jødeproblemet’ med industrielt massemord. Det gør flere og flere folk dog idag, selv om man stadig er i tvivl på TV2. Men ikke mange husker dog at også grækere var ofre for de osmanniske muslimers folkemord. Direkte løftet fra Neos Kosmos

Pontian and Anatolian Greeks were victims of a broader Turkish genocidal project aimed at all Christian minorities in the Ottoman Empire. A total of more than 3.5 million Greeks, Armenians, and Assyrians were killed under the successive regimes of the Young Turks and of Mustafa Kemal from roughly 1914 to 1923. Of this, as many as 1.5 million Greeks may have died. The end of the genocide marked a profound rupture in the long Greek historical presence on the Asia Minor.

Greek communities began inhabiting Anatolia (Greek for “east”), otherwise referred to as the Asia Minor, since the 12th century BCE. They centered mostly along the Aegean littoral, although some Greeks, known as Pontians, went further east and colonized the southern shores of the Black Sea. Turkic peoples migrated into Anatolia over the first millennium CE and by the 14th century had established the Ottoman Empire. Over the next six hundred years, the Empire organized its ethnically diverse population into the millet system, thereby ensuring cultural and religious pluralism.

Under this system, the Ottoman Greeks, like other Christian communities in the Empire, were provided with a degree of autonomy. The geographic extent and political power of the Ottoman Empire began to decline over the 19th century as subjected peoples, especially the Greeks, began exerting their own nationalist aspirations. With the support of the Great Powers, the Greeks successfully overthrew Ottoman rule during their War of Independence from 1821 to 1830, thereby establishing the modern Greek state as it is currently situated at the tip of the Balkan Peninsula. However, the over two and a half million ethnic Greeks still living in Anatolia, separated from their Balkan compatriots, suffered the scorn of an increasingly vitriolic Turkish nationalism tainted by a bitter sense of humiliation.

The Young Turk movement emerged from this context, eventually aiming to turn the multi-ethnic Ottoman Empire into a homogenous Turkish nation state. Under the banner of the Committee for the Union of Progress (CUP), this ethnic nationalist movement assumed power after a coup d’etat in 1913.

This political revolution occurred in the midst of the Balkan Wars from October 1912 to July 1913, which ultimately ended five centuries of Ottoman rule in the Balkans. Afterwards, there was a brief diplomatic effort between the Greeks and the CUP to arrange a population exchange.

However, the outbreak of World War I stunted this effort, and instead the CUP took its own radical initiatives. They began singling out all able-bodied Greek men, forcibly conscripting them into labor battalions which performed slave labor for the Turkish war effort. Greek children were stolen and forcibly assimilated into Turkish society. Greek villages were brutally plundered and terrorized under the pretext of internal security. Indeed, as with the Armenians, the Greeks were generally accused as a disloyal and traitorous “fifth-column,” and eventually most of the population was rounded up and forcibly deported to the interior.

This modus operandi was more or less the same for all three Christian victim groups. Again with support of the Great Powers, Greece invaded part of Anatolia immediately after the defeat of the Ottomans in World War I. Centered around the Aegean port city of Smyrna (now known by its Turkish name, Izmir), Greek occupation forces brutally subjected local Turks, thereby further stoking interethnic conflagrations.

At the same time, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was leading a Turkish resurgence, eventually dispelling the Greek military from Anatolia. Turkish forces retook Smyrna in September 1922, instigating a massive anti-Greek pogrom. On September 13, a fire broke out amidst the chaos, spreading uncontrollably over the next two weeks. The Smyrna catastrophe took the lives of somewhere between 10,000 to 15,000 Greeks.

Two months later, diplomatic negotiations between the Kemalist regime and the Great Powers began in Switzerland, leading to the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne in February 1923. The sovereign status of a Turkish nation state was thereby affirmed, and the Great Powers essentially condoned the Turkish genocidal project.

The demographic consequences of the Greek genocide are not objectively certain. The prewar population of Greeks was at least 2.5 million. Over the course of 1914 to 1923, about one million had migrated, some voluntarily but most under coercion. As many as 1.5 million Greeks died, either from massacre or exposure, although this figure is not positive. Presently, a miniscule Greek population remains in Turkey. Greek communities annually commemorate the genocide on September 14 in recognition of the Smyrna catastrophe.

Source: Centre for the study of Genocide, Conflict Resolution, and Human Rights, Rutgers University

Osmannernes folkemord på armenierne og grækerne var muslimers folkemord kristne.