Bare ikke her

Diverse — Drokles on July 31, 2018 at 8:54 am

Mette Frederiksen foretrak at være en god mor frem for en god socialdemokrat, da hun efter at have skoset danske forældre for at fravælge den lokale folkeskole til fordel for en privatskole og således svigte at bære den samfundsbyrde som især er kommet tilrejsende med Socialdemokratiets stemmer. Det var en pinlig pille af hykleri hun måtte sluge, men da aviser skrev om at det var mønsteret over hele den humanistiske fløj, var det hurtigt overstået så idag kan hun kalde sig formand efter at have ventet Helle Thorning Schmidt ud.

Ingen politikere med blødende hjerter for Folkeskolen fravalgte deres lokale folkeskole, istedet tilvalgte de alternativet fordi deres poder alle som en havde specielle behov. En københavns lokalpolitiker argumenterede med at siden hans børn var adopteret for Asien, den charmerende del og ikke der hvor Pakistan ligger, så havde de bedst af at være omgivet af hvide, som blommen i et æg. Ikke megen tro på de multikulturelle lyksaligheder man ellers arbejdede intenst på at indføre for almuen. I solidaritet med den ængstelige middelklasse med værdierne i orden begyndte man derfor at arbejde på at skabe ressourceskoler, folkeskoler der satsede på netop de værdier, som tiltalte selvsamme humanister, som kreativitet og musik og som således sikrede hvidheden. På den måde købte man sig lidt respit på fortsat at støtte Folkeskoleideen uden at skulle ofre sine egne børn på ens fine menneskesyns alter.

Jyllands-Postens leder skrev forleden om det besynderlige i at de fleste folk ikke foretrak, selv at leve i deres humanistiske idealer

På en villavej i Tønder med det emblematiske navn Lærkevej er der gået skår i idyllen. Årsagen er den pikante, at en bosnisk muslimsk forening har købt et lille, gult murstenshus på vejen med den tanke at indrette det som »forsamlings- og bedehus«; beboerne fik en e-mail fra kommunen med det ordvalg.

Det var de ikke begejstrede for og startede derfor en underskriftsindsamling, ligesom de gjorde indsigelser under den kommunale høring. Flere end 30 husstande på Lærkevej har skrevet under på protesten, men da pressen – in casu Kristeligt Dagblad – opsøgte Lærkevej, var det langtfra alle, der havde lyst til at stå frem, og heri er noget karakteristisk. Mon ikke de fleste beboere på danske villaveje godt kan forstå de bekymrede borgere på Lærkevej i Tønder, sådan inderst inde og i det dulgte? Hvis man er vant til at leve stille og almindeligt mellem studsede hække og en fælles vejfest en gang imellem, kan det virke forstyrrende, hvis en religiøs forsamling pludselig flytter ind. Det er forståeligt. Men man forstår jo også beboernes ulyst til at sige for meget, for det skulle jo nødigt hedde sig, og man kan jo blive kaldt både det ene og det andet. »Nej, vi skal da ikke begynde at være decideret imod de her mennesker. Det er ikke noget racistisk,« som en beboer siger til avisen, hvormed han ligesom tager forskud på den forudsigelige fordømmelse af de frygtsomme beboere på Lærkevej, deres intolerance og fremmedangst, deres islamofobi.

Og efter at have draget en fin parallel til nabostriden på Sundvænget ved Strandvejen i det nordlige København, hvor en hovedrig plebejer truer Uffe Ellemann Jensen og hans distingverede naboers udsigt med sine byggeplaner - en skræmmende “yderligere fortætning i kommunen” - konkluderer Jyllandsposten

Eliten, der prædiker tolerance, bor langt fra de steder, hvor forandringerne føles. Det er ikke på Sundvænget, juletræet står til at blive afskaffet. Alligevel kender man også der til følelsen af ubehag ved det fremmede, ja, der skal faktisk meget lidt til at vække det, meget mindre end et bedehus. Blot tanken om at miste en flig af sundudsigten er nok til at få de tolerantes fremmedangst til at bryde ud i lys lue.

Idealer er altid lettest at opretholde på afstand, virkeligheden er en grum læremester. Mere diversitet betyder flere konfliktzoner, ikke bedre vilkår for frisindet. De fleste kan ikke tænke og må føle og det er venstrefløjens dilemma, skriver Thomas B. Edsall i New York Times

Ryan Enos, a political scientist at Harvard, published a book last year, “The Space Between Us,” suggesting that the ideological commitment of liberals in these and other similar communities may waver, or fail entirely, when their white homogeneity is threatened.

Not only is the upscale wing of the Democratic Party an unreliable ally of the left on economic issues — as I have noted in this column before and as Lily Geismer and Matthew D. Lassiter eloquently pointed out in The Times last week — but Enos demonstrates that the liberal resolve of affluent Democrats can disintegrate when racially or ethnically charged issues like neighborhood integration are at stake.

Enos havde ved et kompliceret forsøg, udsat hvide globaliseringsparate Demokrater for en lille symbolsk dosis diversitet i form af pendlende spansktalende og registreret en faldende velvilje overfor den slags i nabolaget. Og Enos skriver i “The Space Between Us

The negative effects of diversity may be responsible for some of the profound differences between places such as Denmark and Zambia or Singapore and India. Noting that these four countries are all democracies, we see the consequences of voters — normally separated by geographic, social, and psychological space — coming together to govern and having to make decisions and allocate resources. It appears that when people are faced with these decisions in a diverse democracy, rather than a homogeneous one, they often choose not to do the things that “make democracy work,” failing to bridge the space between groups by cooperating to share resources and provide for the common welfare.

Og Edsall fortsætter sin læsning af “The Space Between Us

Liberal democracies endorse diversity, Enos writes,

indeed, it is often considered one of our strengths and liberal individuals usually favor diversity as a matter of ideology and public policy. We often support diversity out of a genuine ideological commitment and because we rightly perceive that diversity can improve the performance of many organizations, such as universities and businesses.

But, he continues, “looking across the world and even across states and cities within the United States, most of us would rather not live with some of the social, economic, and political consequences of diversity.” This is what Enos calls “the liberal dilemma.”

Enos cites Gordon Allport, formerly a professor of psychology at Harvard, who described “contact theory” in his 1954 book, “The Nature of Prejudice.” Under the right circumstances, Allport argued, interracial contact could reduce hostility. Those circumstances, Enos notes, include “economic equality and social integration.”

In practice, Enos points out:

Allport’s conditions for prejudice reduction are seldom fulfilled. One of these conditions was that interpersonal contact would reduce prejudice when members of each group were of equal social standing.

In reality,

not only does equality between groups not exist, but true interpersonal contact across groups seldom takes place, even when groups are proximate. Two groups can live in the same area without having meaningful interpersonal contact.

It almost goes without saying that the patterns Enos describes have been crucial to President Trump’s political success.

Processen imod Donald K

Diverse — Drokles on July 27, 2018 at 3:08 am

Napoleon skulle have sagt at man aldrig skal forstyrre fjenden, når denne er i færd med at dumme sig. Og dummer sig, det gør Donald Trumps mange fjender. Det største fejltrin var at gøre brug af efterretningsvæsenet til at bedrive spionage imod hans valgkamp, for derefter, gennem lækage, at rejse et politisk postyr for at få ham og hans stab underkaster diverse efterforskninger for at have samarbejdet med Vladimir Putin, hans regime, disses støtter og bare russere i al almindelighed. Politisk har man fra mediernes side brugt selve eksistensen af processen imod Donald T til at deligitimere ham og hans præsidentskab, mens man har opvirglet allehånde venstreekstreme og entertainere til en fysisk revolte.

Donald T er dog ingen Josef K og går ikke i spåner over de mange diffuse anklager eller søger at rense sit navn. Han afviser kategorisk vanviddet og lader processen vikle sig ind i sit eget spind. Mens den tidligere administration forregnede sig på at Hillary ville føre den korrumperende arv videre så karrierebureaukraterne kunne fortsætte deres lyssky aktiviteter, stolede Trump både på sin evne til at vinde, sin egen uskyld og det amerikanske folk. Og hele det amerikanske folk kan man ikke snyde hele tiden.

FBIs interesse for Trump hviler, som det har været fremme før, på en rapport, som blev sammenfattet af en tidligere britisk efterretningsofficer ved navn Christopher Steele. Baseret på uunderbyggede kilder tegner Steeles rapport et fantastisk og kulørt billede af Donald Trump og hans russiske forbindelser, der er så tætte at det russiske efterretningsvæsen GRU har videobånd af Donald Trump og et par prostituerede der leger tisselege i et hotelværelse i Moskva. Således i lommen på russerne var det eneste logiske skridt at få Trump valgt som præsident, fordi den slags er noget man bare gør.

FBI brugte Steeles rapport som de bærende oplysninger, oplysninger der ser ud til at være grebet ud af den blå luft, til at opnå dommerkendelser for overvågning af Carter Page, et medlem af Trumps stab, blev det i sidste uge bekræftet, da FBI offentliggjorde hundredevis af dokumenter. National Reviews Andrew C McCarthy har tidlige benægtet at noget sådan kunne forekomme, og afvist de der spekulerede i sumpens målrettede angreb på Trump som konspirationsteoretikere. Men, indrømmer han nu med sorg i hjertet, “the crazies were right”

Now that we can see it all in black and white — mostly black, as they are heavily redacted — it is crystal clear that the Steele dossier, an unverified Clinton-campaign product, was the driving force behind the Trump–Russia investigation.

Based on the dossier, the FBI told the FISA court it believed that Carter Page, who had been identified by the Trump campaign as an adviser, was coordinating with the Russian government in an espionage conspiracy to influence the 2016 election.

This sensational allegation came from Christopher Steele, the former British spy. The FISA court was not told that the Clinton campaign was behind Steele’s work. Nor did the FBI and Justice Department inform the court that Steele’s allegations had never been verified. To the contrary, each FISA application — the original one in October 2016, and the three renewals at 90-day intervals — is labeled “VERIFIED APPLICATION” (bold caps in original). And each one makes this breathtaking representation:

The FBI has reviewed this verified application for accuracy in accordance with its April 5, 2001 procedures, which include sending a copy of the draft to the appropriate field office(s).

In reality, the applications were never verified for accuracy.

Toxic Sexuality

Diverse — Drokles on July 23, 2018 at 8:14 pm

Homosexualitet er en aktivitet, der bør fejres over helheden, fordi detmener Københavns Universitet i tråd med tidens ånd.

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Behaviour Patterns of Child Molesters (1988, Erickson et al) kan man læse at ud af 229 dømte pædofile betagnede 86% af dem sig selv som enten homo- eller bi-sexuelle. I det tilfælde ville det være på sin plads at fejre den heterosexuelle pædofile med en parade rundt i fængselsgården for deres bidrag til diversiteten thi “Child molestation and pedophilia occur far more commonly among homosexuals than among heterosexuals” skriver Jon Dougherty på WND om den seneste forskning inden feltet blev oversvømmet af politik

Baldwin says his research not only “confirms that homosexuals molest children at a rate vastly higher than heterosexuals,” but it found that “the mainstream homosexual culture” even “commonly promotes sex with children.”

“The editorial board of the leading pedophile academic journal, Paidika, is dominated by prominent homosexual scholars such as San Francisco State University professor John DeCecco, who happens to edit the Journal of Homosexuality,” Baldwin wrote.

During his research, he also found:

  • The Journal of Homosexuality recently published a special double-issue entitled, “Male Intergenerational Intimacy,” containing many articles portraying sex between men and minor boys as loving relationships. One article said parents should look upon the pedophile who loves their son “not as a rival or competitor, not as a theft of their property, but as a partner in the boy’s upbringing, someone to be welcomed into their home.”
  • In 1995 the homosexual magazine “Guide” said, “We can be proud that the gay movement has been home to the few voices who have had the courage to say out loud that children are naturally sexual” and “deserve the right to sexual expression with whoever they choose. …” The article went on to say: “Instead of fearing being labeled pedophiles, we must proudly proclaim that sex is good, including children’s sexuality … we must do it for the children’s sake.”
  • Larry Kramer, the founder of ACT-UP, a noted homosexual activist group, wrote in his book, “Report from the Holocaust: The Making of an AIDS Activist”: “In those instances where children do have sex with their homosexual elders, be they teachers or anyone else, I submit that often, very often, the child desires the activity, and perhaps even solicits it.”
  • In a study of advertisements in the influential homosexual newspaper, The Advocate, Reisman found ads for a “Penetrable Boy Doll … available in three provocative positions. She also found that the number of erotic boy images in each issue of The Advocate averaged 14.
  • Homosexual newspapers and travel publications advertise prominently for countries where boy prostitution is heavy, such as Burma, the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Thailand.

Fordi mange homosexuelle, selv har oplevet overgreb, typisk i puberteten, gentager de en adfærd indlært af et psykologisk traume. “[C]hild molestation is an integral part of the homosexual movement” fortsætter Balwin derfor. En selvbekræftende svikmølle, med bøsser, der vidner om tidlig sexualdebut med en mand, promoveres gladeligt henover de mange ofre for samme mænds overgreb, der bruger resten af livet på at fortrænge barndommens traume.

Desmond er muligvis en fantastisk 9 årig dreng, men også et hypersexualiseret barn

On July 11th, Desmond was featured in an uncomfortable live streamthat unfolded on Facebook. The host of the stream was an adult drag performer who goes by the name “Bella Noche”. During the course of this video, Bella references the use of Ketamine and Desmond imitates sniffing the drug almost instantly as if he’s seen or done it a thousand times. This is learned behavior, and more proof that this child is in a toxic and abusive environment.

I England vil den siddende regering gøre det ulovligt at kurere homoseksualitet, skriver Daily Mail, der samtidig og uden ironi oplyser at 300 børn medicinsk er under behandling for at være ‘det forkerte køn’.

Putins patetiske hævn

Diverse — Drokles on July 23, 2018 at 8:34 am

Spengler minder om årsagen til de senere års forsuring at forholdet mellem USA og Rusland

The United States supported the 2014 Maidan uprising in Ukraine and the overthrow of the Yanukovych government in the hope of repeating the exercise in Moscow sometime later. Then-Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland pulled whatever strings America had to replace the feckless and corrupt Victor Yanukovych with a government hostile to the Kremlin. She didn’t say it in so many words, but she hoped the Ukraine coup would lead to the overthrow of Vladimir Putin. Evidently Nuland and her boss, Hillary Clinton, thought that the Ukraine coup would deprive Russia of its Black Sea naval base in Crimea, and did not anticipate that Russia simply would annex an old Russian province that belonged to Ukraine by historical accident.

At the time, liberal opinion evanesced with the notion that Moscow would follow Maidan. The Christian Science Monitor reported in February 2014:

Some in Russia’s liberal community see in the Maidan a hope that the Kremlin, no matter how solid it looks, could one day crack under similar popular pressure. “What we are seeing in Ukraine is the realization of the Ukrainian people’s aspiration for democracy, of the right to revolt,” says Sergei Davidis, a board member of Solidarnost, a liberal opposition coalition. “It doesn’t mean we’re ready to follow that example. Russian conditions are different. But in the long run, as the contradictions pile up, we may well come to the same pass and find ourselves with no alternatives but the Ukrainian one.”

Of course, no such thing occurred.

The Maidan coup was the second American attempt to install a Ukrainian government hostile to Moscow; the first occurred in 2004, when Condoleezza Rice was secretary of State rather than Hillary Clinton. As I wrote in Asia Times a decade ago, “On the night of November 22, 2004, then-Russian president - now premier - Vladimir Putin watched the television news in his dacha near Moscow. People who were with Putin that night report his anger and disbelief at the unfolding ‘Orange’ revolution in Ukraine. ‘They lied to me,’ Putin said bitterly of the United States. ‘I’ll never trust them again.’ The Russians still can’t fathom why the West threw over a potential strategic alliance for Ukraine. They underestimate the stupidity of the West.”

Hverken Spengler eller Monokultur er fans af Putin og hans bøllestyre. Men proportionerne, proportionerne. Rusland har ikke andet at tilbyde Verden end olie/gas og våben, som tidligere præsident Obama mindede om da han afskrev dem som en seriøs trussel mod USAs demokrati. Så mens Robert Mueller har skudt sine teorier ud i uvished ved at anklage en række russere der aldrig kommer til at afkræve beviser for deres påståede memfabrikker og arrangementer af besynderlige demonstrationer ved en amerikansk domstol, så mener FBI at Kina er den store spionagetrussel. Og Riget i midten sammen med EU den største største trussel mod internettets frihed, frygtsomme som de begge, på hver deres måde, er, for dissens fra det herskende meningsparadigme.

Diplomati, magt og skuespil

Diverse — Drokles on July 20, 2018 at 8:36 pm

Rusland og USA har ikke noget at tilbyde hinanden, skriver Bryan MacDonald for Russia Times, så de kan lige så godt søge at få en forståelse for hinanden, og holde spændingerne imellem dem i ave. Topmøder tjener mest som teater for offentligheden, mens det virkelige møde sker bag lukkede døre (Demokraterne vil derfor have udleveret tolkenes referater) og som de fleste store værker forstår samtidens kritikere af hysteriske vanetænkere og selvsvingsdogmatikere. Mark Davis er ædruelig i Townhall

The strength his base expects every day is not some empty political theater designed to win praise from CNN. There is only one battle that matters in the short term, and that is the attack on his presidency from the Mueller probe and the weaponized subsets of the FBI and Department of Justice.

The slightest hint of a Trump denunciation of Russian meddling would have been instantly, virally blasted around the universe as a confession that his election was indeed illegitimate. The hounds baying for his demise gleefully conflate Russians hacking Democrat emails with the Trump campaign conspiring to deny Hillary Clinton her rightful victory. They know that an underinformed public will lap up that narrative if they can hammer it forcefully enough.

We will never know the exact language Trump may use to address past meddling or discourage it in the future. But anyone who was expecting some high-drama public showdown in Helsinki is ignorant of what Trump seeks to do long-term with Russia, and is oblivious to the baseball bat he would have handed his enemies to beat his brains in.

That is excusable among the general public. But for those who pay attention to these matters for a living, the blindness is willful.

Og der har Trump ikke givet efter for russerne “on anything“, skriver Daniel Greenfield - tværtimod

The media is outraged over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. But when that happened, Ukraine asked for weapons and the only aid that Obama offered their country was MREs. It took months for Obama to come through with boots and tires. Meanwhile Trump has delivered actual weapons.

Why did Obama refuse to provide Ukraine with weapons? According to senior officials, to avoid antagonizing Moscow. Trump isn’t afraid of Russia. Obama however was shaking in his loafers.

While Trump approved anti-tank missiles for Ukraine, Obama slow-walked shipments of boots, putting them on trucks instead of planes so that they took months to arrive, so as not to upset the Russians. Meanwhile the Trump administration cut the red tape by dipping into its own European stockpiles.

In the time it took Obama to ship boots to Ukraine, Trump shipped Javelin missiles.

Obama shelved missile defense for Poland and the Czech Republic. Trump cut a multi-billion deal for selling Patriot missiles to Poland. When Obama provided Patriot missiles to Poland, he neglected to mention that the batteries would not actually contain missiles. The ambassador to Poland, had noted, “The Poles have not been told that the battery will rotate without actual missiles… but it will also not be operational, and certainly interoperable… this will be a question of basic definitions for the Poles: is it a Patriot battery if it doesn’t have live missiles?” Trump’s missile deal comes with actual missiles.

“After my election I have more flexibility” forsikrede Obama Putins Medvedev et par senere. Obamas udenrigspolitik var at give efter for russerne ved enhver konfrontation og se bort fra deres overtrædelser af aftaler. Trump ophidser de mennesker, der hyldede denne ‘leading from behind’, “smart diplomacy” blindgyde, der empowerede af mediernes guldfiskehukommelse, overser at Trump ikke blot styrker USAs økonomiske magt, opruster militært, presser NATO landende til det samme, mens de chores over at Trump har den frækhed at underminere Tysklands milliard investering i russisk gas. Måske har Roger L Simon ret, når han påstår at dette kunne være ‘Trumps finest hour’

He is, as Greg Gutfeld noted on The Five, his own good cop and bad cop all rolled into one.  The good cop part is what we saw with Kim Jong-un and now with Putin — complimenting tyrants to an almost uncomfortable degree.  It’s oddly a Christian love-the-sinner-but-hate-the-sin kind of thing.

The bad cop part is what Trump actually does concretely — and, as Putin certainly knows, this is far more important than photo ops and press conferences with all the attendant words.  Trump’s actions vis-a-vis Russia have been considerably more stringent than his predecessor’s — opening the energy spigots, increasing sanctions, arming the Ukrainians, ejecting 60 Russian agents, etc.  As Walter Russell Mead pointed out, if Trump is in Putin’s pocket, he’s doing a terrible job of it.

Og de hader ham for det, men Breitbarts John Nolte “saw Trump choose, at great personal cost, to do the moral and patriotic thing over what would have earned him that adulation and praise”.

Mueller begraver ‘russersagen’

Diverse — Drokles on July 18, 2018 at 6:52 pm

Den har været død længe, dødfødt faktisk, men nu begraves den. Den specielle efterforsker Robert Mueller har sigtet nogle flere russere, denne gang agenter, for at have koordineret en indsats med det formål at påvirke det amerikanske præsidentvalg. Ingen af de tiltalte er under amerikansk myndighed så bevisernes stilling vil aldrig blive anfægtet. Og alle formodes uskyldige indtil det modsatte er bevist efter retspraksis, som Andrew C McCarthy minder om i National Review

There is no known evidence that Trump-campaign officials had any involvement in hacking by the Russian intelligence services. Mueller’s new indictment powerfully suggests that this could not have happened — the Russians were expert in their cyberespionage tactics, they did not need anyone’s help, and they took pains to conceal their identity from everyone with whom they dealt.

Moreover, even though Trump-campaign officials have been charged with other crimes (having nothing to do with the 2016 election), and some of those Trump officials had “contacts” with Russians, Mueller has never charged one of them with a crime related to Russia’s espionage attack on the election, nor has he ever elicited from any defendant who pled guilty an admission of any such crime.

Den eneste eksistensberettigelse for Robert Muellers ’specielle efterforskning’ var at afdække alting relateret til et muligt samarbejde, lovligt eller ej, mellem Trump og hans præsidentkampagne og russere. Det har længe været McCarthys pointe at den slags efterforskning hørte hjemme under kontraspionagevirksomhed, da det ikke er så vigtigt at få domsfældelser, som at få afdækket trusselsbilledet. Og som en bekræftelse på den logik har Mueller netop ved sine sigtelser af russere, der aldrig vil komme for en amerikansk domstol - og derfor aldrig vil udfordre validiteten af Muellers bevismateriale - begravet den videre efterforskning i justitsministeriets “National Security Division, the home of other non-prosecutable foreign counterintelligence work that is never intended to see the light of day in a public courtroom”

Russia’s interference in the 2016 election was never something that the Justice Department was unable to investigate in the normal course. In fact, for months, the Trump Justice Department was investigating it in the normal course, just as the Obama Justice Department had done. Then, President Trump fired FBI director James Comey. It was this event that prompted Rosenstein to appoint Mueller. We got a special counsel not because of Russia’s espionage or any evidence indicating actual Trump-campaign complicity in it; we got a special counsel because Rosenstein was deeply involved in Comey’s ouster and wanted to fend off Democratic attacks on him over it.

The only point of the new indictment is to justify Rosenstein’s decision and Mueller’s existence. Proponents of the unnecessary special counsel want to say, “See, we really needed this investigation.” But that can be said with a straight face only if the goalposts are moved.

Muellers efterforskning har kostet en del penge, så noget skal skatteyderne have for penge, om det så bare er lidt røg.

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