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Warning: explode() expects parameter 2 to be string, array given in /var/www/monokultur.dk/public_html/wp-content/plugins/bannage.php on line 15 Monokultur » Jødeforfølgelse
Man behøver ikke at være et geni for at tænke at de mange angreb fra ‘ensomme ulve’ er inspireret af den seneste palæstinensiske terrorbølge mod Israel. Men det er ikke, hvad man ser i medierne, der er kriminelt forsigtige med at præsentere udviklingen som den tager sig ud. Paul Joseph Watson giver en glimrende gennemgang
Barak Hussein Obama repræsenterer en ide om at man ikke blot kan påvirke virkeligheden, men ændre den til sit eget billede, ved at italesætte den anderledes. På Breitbart kan man se ‘White House press secretary’ Josh Earnest forsvare ideen om at forfølge en politik ud fra en forvrænget virkelighed overfor Fox News Martha MacCallum
MACCALLUM: You mentioned earlier today you believe it’s a narrative battle we’re fighting. I think that for people who have shrapnel in their shoulders this morning—they might have a hard time accepting that—that it is a narrative battle we’re fighting against ISIS. Explain what you meant by that?
EARNEST: I meant very specifically, Martha, we’re taking fight to them on the ground in Iraq and Syria. The president has organized an international coalition—5,000 airstrikes in Iraq and Syria last couple years. What is important in the context of political debate is to remember ISIL is trying to assert a narrative, that they represent the religion of Islam in a war against the west and in a war against the United States. That is mythology. That is falsehood. That is not true. That is bankrupt ideology they are trying to wrap in the cloak of Islam. And to suggest that somehow we should treat Muslims differently or suspect them as terrorists just because of their religion…
MACCALLUM: Nobody is talking about that.
EARNEST: We certainly have heard that inflammatory rhetoric from Republicans.
MACCALLUM: We’re not talking about that here.
EARNEST: This is the context that I was asked the question about the ISIL narrative earlier today. it is important we don’t play into the narrative. Too many Republicans are willing to do…
MACCALLUM: This is the ISIS narrative. This is what they said in their recent publication. ISIS states that disbelievers should be slain wherever they may be. This includes the businessman riding to work in the taxi cab, young adults in engaged in sports activities in park, the old men waiting in line and buying a sandwich, striking terror into the hearts of all non-believers, Muslims and non-Muslims is the Muslim duty. So what people have a hard time with you know—you have to take them at their word they mean to do what they say because we see it happening here in the United States. So, it feels sometimes like the White House doesn’t like to make the connection between those two things. Is that wrong?
EARNEST: Well I think we’ve been quite clear. The president has demonstrated, you don’t have to take my word for it. The president demonstrated seriousness, which he has taken this fight to ISIL.
Den forestilling har forplantet sig i efterretningstjenesterne. FBI havde en mistanke om at muslimen Omar Mateen skulle realisere sin muslimske tro, men stoppede efterforskningen efter 10 måneder fordi hans radikalisering så ud til at være et resultat af “being marginalized because of his Muslim faith”. Omar Mateen gik senere ind på en bøssebar i Orlando og myrdede 49 mennesker.
Den mistænkte for bomberne i New York og Jersey, Ahmad Rahami, har tidligere sagsøgt det lokale politi, som han hævdede diskriminerede og forfulgte ham ifølge Daily Mail.
Det palæstinensiske selvstyre vil sagsøge briterne for alle de ulykker, palaraberne har bragt over sig selv. Det er Balfourerklæringen udstedt i 1917, som er de skyldiges forbrydelse, der ved at love jøderne et hjemland i jødernes eget land har gjort det helt umuligt for arabere i den ganske region at tage sig noget som helst fornuftigt til lige siden. En god ven ønskede dem held og lykke og mindede om at oprettelsen af Israel var unilateral og ikke noget Storbritannien stod bag
Om noget bør de sagsøge Nationernes Forbund og efterfølger-organisationen de Forenede Nationer - det er under dets charter, at jødernes ret til at vende hjem til deres hjemland er fastlagt. Så løber de bare ind i det problem, at det er FN der er deres stærkeste støtte…..og at at det er gennem FN-organisationen UNRWA, at de fleste palarabere lever på permanent bistand.
Director of Israel’s Foreign Ministry Dr. Dore Gold derided the Palestinians announcement that they intend to sue the United Kingdom for the Balfour Declaration, a document written almost 100 years ago by then UK Foreign Secretary Lord Arthur James Balfour which expressed support for the establishment of a Jewish national homeland in the land of Israel.
Saying the move is “revealing,” Gold stated that “apart from the obvious lack of any legal basis” for the Palestinian lawsuit, the “initiative itself demonstrates yet again the continuing refusal of the Palestinian side to recognize the legitimate and indigenous connection of the Jewish people to their ancient homeland.”
He pointed out the legal significance of the Balfour Declaration emanated from the fact that it was incorporated by the League of Nations into the 1922 Mandate for Palestine. “That mandate recognized the historical connection of the Jewish people to that area and that it provided the grounds for them to reconstitute their national home there.
The League of Nations’ mandate transformed Balfour’s stated policy into an internationally recognized legal obligation to “give effect to the inherent right of the Jewish people to self-determination in their ancient homeland,” Gold added.
Rights that were recognized by the League of Nations in that period were preserved by its successor organization, the United Nations, through Article 80 of the UN Charter.
Den venstreorienterede engelske avis Guardian anser da også søgsmålet for “a symptom of desperation about the Palestinian cause” og “a cry of anger and despair” ifølge Elder og Ziyon, fordi fredsforhandlingerne går trægt. Måske er det desperat, men næppe på grund af de fredsforhandlinger som palaraberne aldrig har været interesseret i. Langt mere er det nok et symptom på dels det umulige i at skade Israel med våbenmagt og dels den manglende succes med at fravriste Israel sin legitimitet, så massivt muslimer fra hele verden godt assisteret af vestens venstreorientede forsøger.
En af metoderne man har haft store forhåbninger til var at isolere Israels økonomi og gøre landet til en international paria igennem BDS (Boykot, Divest, Sanction). Og det er seriøse metoder nede på mikroniveau der helt ublut viser sit antisemitiske ansigt. Israel Hayom beskriver en del af virkeligheden, som den ser ud på de notorisk hysteriske amerikanske campus
On a recent campus tour, members of the Reservists on Duty Israel advocacy organization discovered the extent of anti-Semitism displayed by BDS activists, who posted “eviction notices” on the dormitory doors of Jewish students, demanding that they evacuate in three days or have their property thrown out.
Students for Justice in Palestine, one of the better known campus BDS groups, is responsible for this type of anti-Semitic prosecution. The notices they posted went on to state that the Israeli military does the same thing to Palestinians.
SJP typically undertakes these types of activities during “Israeli Apartheid Week,” an annual event during which activists screen films and organize protests, lectures and exhibitions that accuse Israel of apartheid, ethnic cleansing and war crimes.
(…)
These anti-Semitic tactics are common at a range of well-known American universities, particularly on the east coast. Jewish students have reported to Reservists on Duty about similar incidents at universities including New York University, the University of Pennsylvania, Connecticut College, Harvard University, the University of California, the University of Oklahoma, the Claremont Colleges, Vassar College and other schools.
In some cases, students approached the campus administration for help in dealing with the situation, but for the most part, the colleges avoided taking action to stop the phenomenon.
Men ak, ud over at være en gene for andre mennesker, som venstrefløjen mest er, så har de ikke formået at gøre en forskel for Israel. “Foreign investments in Israeli assets hit a record high last year of $285.12 billion, a near-tripling from 2005 when the so-called Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement was started by a group of Palestinians, skrev Bloomberg og i New York går det endda modsat, hvor guvenør “Andrew Cuomo issued an executive order on Sunday, commanding government agencies to divest funds from, and refuse to do business with, companies and groups participating in the Palestinian-backed boycott of Israel.” En BDS-BDS med andre ord. Så palaraberne er efterladt med det eneste talent de har, at udnytte at alle andre, selv deres fjender, kerer sig mere for palarabernes børn, end de selv gør
Men måske palaraberne kunne sagsøge Kuwait for den etniske udrensning af pal-arabere i kølvandet på den Anden Golfkrig?
During the first hours of the Iraqi invasion, the Kuwaiti government left to Saudi Arabia. This encouraged Kuwaitis to leave the country, as well. They received financial aid from their government (in-exile) and other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. No government offered Palestinians any help; therefore, they had no other alternative but to stay in Kuwait throughout the crisis, the war, and the stage of persecution that followed.
A terror campaign against Palestinians in Kuwait started during the Iraqi rule. They were the target of several explosions that also killed Iraqis and workers from other countries. In particular, the Kuwaiti resistance was responsible for four major explosions and several small explosions before the war. The explosions occurred in the predominantly-Palestinian neighborhoods of Al-Adasani, Al-Hassawi, Khitan, and Amman Street. They resulted in Killing 46 and injuring 99 people most of whom were Palestinians.
The first explosion was in October 1990 in Al-Hassawi neighborhood, which was inhabited by Palestinians and workers from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and the Sudan. The explosion resulted in killing twenty-two and wounding thirty-five people. There were five Palestinians and four Iraqis among the dead. The rest were from different nationalities. The Second explosion was also in October and occurred in Al-Adasani neighborhood, which was inhabited mainly by Palestinians. It resulted in killing three and wounding twenty-three Palestinians and one Indian. The third explosion was in November 1990, in Al-Hassawi neighborhood, killing seven and wounding thirty-seven people. While majority of the injured were Palestinians, the dead were four Iraqis, two Palestinians, and one Kuwaiti. The fourth explosion occurred in Khitan neighborhood, in December 1990. It resulted in killing eleven and wounding eighteen people. Among the dead were six Iraqis, three Palestinians, a Syrian, and an Asian worker. The wounded were eight Palestinians, three Bidoons (without citizenship), two Iraqis, and the rest were Asians. Finally, in January 1991, several small explosions targeted Palestinians in a commercial area known as Amman Street. Six people were killed and twenty were injured the vast majority of whom were Palestinians.
After the war
The terror campaign against Palestinians intensified after the war reaching a persecution stage. The Emir, the Crown Prince, and other senior members of Al-Sabah family led the campaign from the beginning. The Crown Prince reiterated his threats of vengeance against Palestinians of Kuwait in an interview with Robert Fisk of the London newspaper, The Independent, on February 21, 1991. He called for “cleansing” Kuwait of “fifth columnists.” On March 13, the Guardian cited government officials expressing the need to “clean out” the Palestinian neighborhoods. On April 3, a Kuwaiti army officer boasted to the American newspaper “USA Today” that the country was being “cleansed” of Palestinians. In his speech of April 8, 1991, the Emir also urged Kuwaitis to continue the campaign of “cleansing” Kuwait of the alleged “fifth columnists.” On May 8, 1991, the government newspaper, Sawt Al-Kuwait, claimed that Palestinians committed a collective crime during the crisis when they engaged in a “concerted attempt to cripple Kuwaiti civil disobedience against the Iraqis.” In the August 6, 1991 issue, the newspaper stated that Kuwait could not be secure as long as the fifth columnists are still inside the country. Apparently, the “fifth columnists” is a reference to Palestinians, Iraqis, Sudanese, Yemenis, and other Arabs whose countries supported the Iraqi position.
The terror campaign after the war started as early as the arrival of the Kuwaiti forces on February 26, 1991. Kuwaiti militants were quoted saying that they would shoot suspected Palestinians when they found them in their apartments. Four main militia groups and two state institutions participated in a concerted effort to terrorize and persecute Palestinians in Kuwait. Two of the militias were headed by the state security officers Adel Al-Gallaf and Hussain Al-Dishti. The third was headed by Amin Al-Hindi, a gangster who specialized in rape, torture, stealing, and killing. The fourth was the group known as August 2nd, which specialized in psychological warfare against Palestinians. The army and the police forces represented the two state institutions that were involved in this terror campaign.
Two Palestinians were shot dead near a traffic circle, on February 27. On March 2, Kuwaiti tanks and soldiers rolled into Palestinian communities, mainly Hawalli. House-to-house searches for weapons and alleged collaborators resulted in the arrest of hundreds of Palestinians. People were also arrested at checkpoints for no reason other than being Palestinians. Typically, they were beaten instantly then taken to police and detention centers where they were tortured for confessions.
Despite the military censorship, newspapers began to report a dramatic rise in the number of injured Palestinians in Mubarak Hospital. Scores of people were treated from severe beating and torture. Six Palestinians were brought to the Hospital shot dead in the head, execution style. By the third week of March, hundreds of people were treated from torture injuries and thousands stayed in detention centers for interrogation. Amnesty International reported that the torture of Palestinians was continuing in Kuwait by the third week of April. A 24-year-old Palestinian had been beaten for hours, had acid thrown over him, and had been subjected to electric shock torture.
The terror campaign continued throughout 1991 achieving its main objective: terrorizing Palestinians enough so that they would leave the country. To expedite the process, the government took several other measures to evict those who did not leave. First, Palestinians working for the government were fired or not rehired. Second, Palestinian children were kicked out of public schools and subsidies for their education in private schools were stopped. Third, new fees became required for health services. Fourth, housing rents increased and people were asked by Kuwaiti landlords to pay rent for the entire crisis-period.
More important were the feelings of injustice and insecurity Palestinians began to experience as a result of the terror campaign. It became unsafe to walk in streets or to stay at home. Rape stories functioned as a decisive pushing factor for the remaining Palestinian families. The “censored” Western media rarely reported on this part of the campaign. The CNN TV network covered one of these rape stories. Lubbadah told the same story together with many others. The Middle East Watch group also told several stories of rape.
On May 27, 1991, several members of a Kuwaiti militia group entered the apartment of a newly married Palestinian couple. They divided themselves into two groups. One group took the twenty-six year old bride, Najah Yusuf As’ad, to one room where they raped her one after the other then they shot her with nine bullets in the head. The other group took the thirty-year old groom, Muhammed Musa Mahmood Mustafa, to another room where they also raped him one after the other then they shot him with four bullets in his spine. When they finished committing their crimes, they sat in the apartment, drank tea, then called the bride’s family several times telling them what happened to their daughter. Another story was about A.M.M., an eighteen-year old Palestinian girl. She was kidnapped and gang-raped for two days then was brought to Mubarak Hospital on May 25, 1991. Her family said that she was kidnapped in front of her house by Kuwaiti young men. A third story was about S.M.A.D., a twelve-year old Palestinian girl, who was also kidnapped in front of her house in Al-Rumaithiyah, on June 6, 1991. She was also gang-raped for two days by a group of Kuwaitis. A fourth story was about F.M.A.F, a fifteen-years old Palestinian girl, who was kidnapped in front of her house in Al-Farwaniyah, on June 4, 1991. She was raped for two days then was brought to Al-Adan Hospital. Finally, a Palestinian woman in her fifties was kidnapped and raped by a group of Kuwaiti men about the same age. A Kuwaiti man approached her offering help. He gave her an address where she can receive social assistance. When she went to the address, she was kidnapped and raped for a week by several Kuwaiti men who then left her in a deserted area.
The government also intensified its efforts to evict the remaining Palestinians directly through deportation. Between the middle of June and the first week of July 1991, about 10,000 Palestinians were deported to the Iraqi border. On July 8, the Minister of Interior Affairs, Ahmed Hamoud Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, announced that there were about 1,000 more Palestinians in detention camps waiting for deportation. Actually, these deportations forced tens of thousands of other Palestinians to leave, mainly family members, because they could not practically stay when the head of the household or the main bread winner was deported.
The deportees were dumped at the Iraqi border near Safwan. Gradually, it became known as the Safwan Refugee Camp. Many of the deportees to this camp were tortured and brutally beaten by Kuwaiti troops. In most cases people were simply “dumped” there without any legal deportation procedures. Typically, people were arrested at checkpoints, then beaten and tortured to admit that they were collaborators. If they did not admit, they would be deported to Safwan Camp. One of the Camp deportees was Fayiz Nadir, a 23-year-old Palestinian. He was burned 10 times with an iron on his arms, feet, and head. Another one was Abdul Qadir, a 30-year-old Algerian. He was arrested together with Fayiz Nadir for two weeks. He saw 109 men in the detention center with their hands tied behind their backs, often blindfolded. When the men were brought to the interrogation, they were kicked and jabbed with gun butts. Electrical wires were put on their fingers and temples. They were given water twice a day and food once every four days. A Sudanese truck driver, Mustafa Hamzah, was arrested and blindfolded for two weeks in the Salmiya Girls’ Secondary School. He named the Kuwaiti 1st Lt. Abdul Latif Al-Anzi as the person who was in charge of that detention center. A Palestinian deportee told the New York Human Rights Group that he was tortured in that school. They burned him with a cattle brand, beat him, then dumped him by a roadside.
Muslimer i Europa råber Allahu Akbar mens de stikker folk ned på gaden, kører dem ihjel eller hugger deres hoveder af. De har muslimer gjort længe i Israel
Men inden muslimernes opførsel blev så spektakulær at den ikke længere kunne skjules, skosede europærere Israel for ikke at være eftergivende nok. Når muslimer myrdede jøder var der jo nok en god grund til det - det er der jo altid. Mosaic Magazine mindede forleden om et af de mange europæiske hyklerier når det drejer sig om Israel
Yesterday, when an Afghan migrant and Islamic State devotee in Germany began attacking commuters on a busy train, he was quickly shot and killed by security. Similarly, the horrific truck attack last week in Nice was only brought to an end when the French police shot and killed Mohamed Lahouaiej Bouhlel, who also appears to have been linked with ISIS.
When comparable knife attacks and car rammings have happened in Israel, security forces there acted similarly. Of course, on many occasions, Israel’s border police and army have managed to shoot and merely disable assailants. But when that has not been possible, Palestinian attackers have been shot and killed in an effort to save the lives of Israeli civilians in immediate harm’s way. It would seem morally obvious that sometimes this is what has to be done to bring a terror assault to the swiftest possible conclusion.
Yet Sweden’s Foreign Minister Margot Wallstrom had an objection to Israelis defending themselves in this way. In January, when allegations were made in the Swedish parliament that Israel was perpetrating “extrajudicial executions” of Palestinian attackers, Wallstrom gave credence to these allegations. “It is vital that there is a thorough, credible investigation into these deaths in order to clarify and bring about possible accountability,” she said. By the same standard, we should now expect to hear Sweden’s foreign ministry call upon their French and German neighbors to undertake investigations into the circumstances under which the German train and Nice attackers were killed.
Wallstrom’s talk of bringing about “possible accountability” is especially galling. The notion that it is members of Israel’s security forces who should be interrogated and punished for acting to neutralize a terror threat is an unspeakable moral inversion. But, of course, in the event that there was serious reason to believe that wrongdoing had been committed by a member of the security services then that would be a legal matter.
Der er nu ikke noget der ikke er for ‘galling’ for EU, som Evelyn Gordon skriver
Following last week’s terror attack in Nice, a Belgian Jewish organization issued a highly unusual statement charging that, had European media not spent months “ignoring” Palestinian terror against Israel out of “political correctness,” the idea of a truck being used as a weapon wouldn’t have come as such a shock. But it now turns out that European officials did something much worse than merely ignoring Palestinian attacks: They issued a 39-page report, signed by almost every EU country, blaming these attacks on “the occupation” rather than the terrorists. The obvious corollary was that European countries had no reason to fear similar attacks and, therefore, they didn’t bother taking precautions that could have greatly reduced the casualties.
The most shocking part of the Nice attack was how high those casualties were: The truck driver managed to kill 84 people before he was stopped. By comparison, as the New York Times reported on Monday, Israel has suffered at least 32 car-ramming attacks since last October, yet all these attacks combined have killed exactly two people (shootings and stabbings are much deadlier). Granted, most involved private cars, but even attacks using buses or heavy construction vehicles never approached the scale of Nice’s casualties. The deadliest ramming attack in Israel’s history, in 2001, killed eight.
(…)
Now consider the abovementioned EU document, first reported in the EUobserver last Friday, and its implications for both those counterterrorism techniques. The document is an internal assessment of the wave of Palestinian terror that began last October, written by EU diplomats in the region and endorsed in December 2015 by all EU countries with “embassies in Jerusalem and Ramallah,” the EUobserver said.
And what did it conclude? That the attacks were due to “the Israeli occupation… and a long-standing policy of political, economic and social marginalisation of Palestinians in Jerusalem,” to “deep frustration amongst Palestinians over the effects of the occupation, and a lack of hope that a negotiated solution can bring it to an end.” This, the report asserted, was “the heart of the matter”; factors like rampant Palestinian incitement and widespread Islamist sentiment, if they were mentioned at all, were evidently dismissed as unimportant.
The report’s first implication is obvious: If Palestinian attacks stem primarily from “the occupation,” there’s no reason to think anything similar could happen in Europe, which isn’t occupying anyone (at least in its own view; Islamists might not agree). Consequently, there’s also no need to learn from Israel’s methods of dealing with such attacks.
In contrast, had EU diplomats understood the major role played by Palestinian incitement—for instance, the endless Internet memes urging Palestinians to stab, run over and otherwise kill Jews, complete with detailed instructions on how to do so—they might have realized that similar propaganda put out by Islamic State, urging people to use similar techniques against Westerners, could have a similar effect. Had they understood the role played by Islamist sentiments—fully 89 percent of Palestinians supported a Sharia-based state in a Pew poll last year, one of the highest rates in the world—they might have realized that similar sentiments among some European Muslims posed a similar threat. And had they realized all this, the crowds in Nice might not have been left virtually unprotected.
No less telling, however, was the report’s explanation for Israel’s relatively low death toll. Rather than crediting the Israeli police for managing to stop most of the attacks quickly, before they had claimed many victims, it accused them of “excessive use of force… possibly amounting in certain cases to unlawful killings.”
If the EU’s consensus position is that shooting terrorists in mid-rampage constitutes “excessive use of force,” European policemen may understandably hesitate to do the same. In Nice, for instance, the rampage continued for two kilometers while policemen reportedly “ran 200 meters behind the truck trying to stop it”; the police caught up only when a civilian jumped into the truck’s cab and wrestled the driver, slowing him down. Yet even then, an eyewitness said, “They kept yelling at him and when he did not step out – they saw him from the window taking his gun out.” Only then did they open fire.
Through the last 18 months of jihadist terror in France, a simple pattern is emerging: it keeps getting worse. If the January 2015 attacks were aimed at specific groups – Jews and blasphemers – the November follow-up was more indiscriminate. At the Bataclan and at the cafes the Islamists killed young adults, out being European hedonists. This time, it’s gone a step further. In Nice, it is the people at large – families and groups of friends – doing nothing more provocative than attending a national celebration. Ten children were among the dead.
Før ramte terror mest jøder og blasfemikere, men nu rammer det uden at diskriminere. Hmm, måske der efterhånden er nogle europæere, der skylder Israel mere end en undskyldning.
Her er en tanke. Som muslimer fortsætter med at myrde europæere og som det politiske landskab nok (og forhåbentligvis) kommer til at ændre sig vil forståelsen for Israels problemer sandsynligvis udvikle sig i en mere solidarisk retning for den europæiske offentlighed. På Jerusalem Post kan man læse at Israels næste krig “will be far more brutal” end den seneste for 10 år siden. Hvis Israel til den tid ikke skal bekymre sig om europæernes fine fornemmelser til den tid, står Hezbollah til en giga røvfuld - just saying.
Det er svært at følge med efterhånden. Et meme på Facebook hed “0 dage siden et muslimsk terrorangreb”. I Frankrig har en præst fået skåret halsen over af to muslimer, der angreb midt under gudstjenesten. Ud over præsten, der med sine mere end 80 år kun vikarierede for den ferierende præst, var der to nonner, hvor den enes liv endnu hænger i en tynd tråd, og to kirkegængere. Alligevel var det nok kristenpraksis til et muslimsk angreb.
Eller, jeg forivrer mig måske, for selv om muslimerne skreg Allahu Akbar som de skar halsen over på den gamle mand, kender myndighederne endnu ikke deres motiv. Og mens myndighederne begynder at tjekke de to muslimers kontakt til døgnpsykiatrien eller interviewer tidligere klassekammerater om eventuel mobning eller det hele bare var et desperat råb på hjælp efter et afslag på asyl så hæfter jeg mig ved at den angrebne kirke var en del af et økumenisk projekt, hvor muslimer og kristne forsøgte at se ud over deres uenigheder (som at muslimerne burde slagte alle kristne nu eller vente til senere).
Vidste muslimerne dette? Og i så fald havde jeg forestillet mig at de hellere ville slagte den involverede imam for at besudle Allahs morderiske lære med snik-snak i selskab med kuffars. Principielt gør det jo heller ingen forskel at den slagtede præst var, hvad man kunne kalde en venligboer, der er stadig tale om terror. Og terror er, hvad der rammer alle, også kristne, selv om man ikke hører så meget om det. Fox News skriver dog, hvorledes den nye normal antager et stadigt mere muslimsk ansigt
Unfortunately, similar attacks on Christians are rarely recounted, although ISIS has made its intentions clear: “the Christian community… “will not have safety, even in your dreams, until you embrace Islam. We will conquer your Rome, break your crosses, and enslave your women….”
Certainly Islamist radicals have not ignored this proclamation, even though accounts of their successful efforts may be hard to come by.
Only a scouring of Catholic news reports exposes an ongoing litany of desecration, arson and abuse. For example, a recent newsletter from Federation for Europa Christiana recounts (in French) the following:
“At Martigues…three successive attacks in May 2016: first the pastor extinguished a malicious fire on the altar of the church of the Madeleine. This same priest was later attacked and his eye was blackened….
“Then, at the Saint-Genest church, the same priest discovered the open tabernacle and communion wafers thrown to the ground…
“In April, 2016, all the crucifixes and crosses were shattered at the cemetery of La Chapelle-du-Bard….”
All told, 810 attacks on French Christian places of worship and Christian cemeteries took place in 2015.
“In recent weeks, Catholics in France and Belgium — countries still recovering from brutal ISIS attacks — have been hit with numerous acts of violence and aggression, including fires set in churches, an assault on a priest, the desecration of a tabernacle.
“More than 100 Catholic websites… of churches and congregations were hacked by suspected Tunisian cyber-jihadists who call themselves the Fallaga Team.”
On Saturday, ahead of today’s holiday dedicated to Archangel Gabriel, a group of Serbs came under fire from automatic weapons as they were cleaning the grounds of the garbage and debris that local ethnic Albanians are dumping at the ruins of the desecrated temple. Nobody was injured during the incident, that has been reported to the Kosovo police.
Today, about 100 villagers and their guests from various parts of the Kosovsko Pomoravlje District, along with some citizens who had left the area as early as in the 1970s, gathered at the monastery and celebrated the day in peace, and without incidents.
“Visiting my hometown brings back beautiful childhood memories, but scenes like the desecrated grave of my former neighbor - which was done during the past year - point out to the reality and the difficult lives that people who remained are leading.” Mijomir Lalic, who now lives in the town of Smederevo, told Serbia’s state broadcaster RTS.
Nenad Kojic, a professor at the Pristina University, now relocated to Kosovska Mitrovica, said those who live in the village now “have no intention of leaving.”
“It’s all the same that they destroyed our holy places, they cannot destroy our faith and our hope,” said Kojic.
The Binac monastery, dedicated to Archangel Gabriel, is one of the oldest Serbian temples built in the 14th century. It was completely destroyed in July 1999, after the war in Kosovo and after the arrival of international forces there.
Og inden nogen skulle fristes til at påpege tonen i debatten, så går det samme vej for kristne i muslimske lande. Her en stemningsrapport fra Ægypten
Since late May, Christians in Egypt have been the victims of at least a dozen sectarian attacks, and activists and politicians say the government has done little to stop it, despite Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi’s early overtures to the Coptic community and their staunch support of him.
“It is escalating in a very short time,” said Mina Thabet, programme director for minorities and vulnerable groups with the Egyptian Commission of Rights and Freedoms.
Among the assaults was one in late May on an elderly Coptic woman in Minya, who was stripped, beaten and paraded naked because of a rumour that her son was having a relationship with a Muslim woman. Seven homes in the town were set ablaze.
Victims said the police response was late and insufficient.
Sectarian tensions heated up even more on June 30, three years to the day after the beginning of the protests that led to the overthrow of Egypt’s first democratically elected president, Mohammed Morsi, when a Coptic priest was gunned down in Al Arish, North Sinai in an attack claimed by the IS group. The group accused the priest of “waging a war against Islam”.
As gruesome as that attack was, the majority of the incidents have not taken place in the IS stronghold in northern Sinai, but in the Governorate of Minya, which is nestled along the Nile river about 250 kilometres south of Cairo.
(…)
Hours before the priest in Al Arish was shot, the under-construction house of a Coptic man in Minya was torched by a mob who thought he was building a church – despite his having signed an affidavit in the presence of police, the mayor and the local sheikh saying the structure would be a residence and would be used for no other purpose. The four adjacent homes, which belonged to his brothers, were also burned.
The building of churches is a flashpoint for sectarian tensions in Egypt. Per capita, there are far fewer churches serving the Christian community than there are mosques serving the Muslim community, and the building of new churches is strictly restricted under Egyptian law and requires special permissions. Christians for decades have had difficulty obtaining the necessary approvals and often face fierce opposition from Muslim neighbors.
While the recent violence has been concentrated in and around Minya, other Christian strongholds in the country have suffered as well. For example, an attack occurred on July 2 in the governorate of Sohag, which is about 500km south of Cairo and also has a large Christian population, when the teenage daughter of a priest was grabbed from behind by the hair and stabbed in the neck in what appeared to be a failed attempt to slit her throat. She was rescued by a bystander and survived the attack.
Tilbage til Danmark og et kig på venligboernes økumeniske projekt. For et par år siden vågnede den iranske kommunistpige op det umulige i et ægteskab med islam, om det var jøder, israelere eller progressive. Inger Holst husker tilbage til sommeren 2014
En lys og mild sommeraften samlede en flok mennesker sig på Christiansborg Slotsplads.
En taler bød dem velkommen: »Det kræver mod at komme her, det er svært at stå sammen om fred,« sagde taleren. Her var jøder, israelere, arabere, iranere, her var københavnere af alle slags. Det var i juli 2014 under endnu en voldsom konflikt i Mellemøsten.
Taleren var Jaleh Tavakoli, en af demonstrationens arrangører.
»Begge folk har ret til fred,« sagde hun.
»Begge folk har retten til et land.«
Imens hun talte, kom nye mennesker til. De kom fra Rådhuspladsen, hvor der var demonstration for palæstinensernes ret. Men ikke for andres. Jaleh Tavakoli var en af de få, der nåede at holde sin tale. Den startede med en erindring om hylende sirener og om den angst, hun selv havde oplevet i sin barndom under krigen mellem Iran og Irak.
Imens hun talte om disse minder, begyndte politisirener at hvine. Biler kørte med hornet i bund, med flag og fuckfingre strittende ud ad de nedrullede ruder.
De fleste af dem, der deltog i angrebet, var danskere med palæstinensisk baggrund.
Men blandt dem, der truende nærmede sig, kunne Jaleh Tavakoli genkende nogle af sine gamle, etnisk danske partikammerater fra Enhedslisten.
»Er det det her, du vil, Jaleh,« spurgte en af dem.
Et halvt år senere var Tavakoli medarrangør af det debatmøde om ytringsfrihed i Krudttønden, der blev angrebet af en herboende muslim. Der findes ingen frem med muslimerne, kun stilhed før massakren. Det positive er at mens folk på venstrefløjen skulle gøre sig anstrengelser for at registrere danske jøder og deres adresser på en særlig jødeliste, der skulle bruges, den dag den nu skulle bruges til hvad man dog ellers kunne bruge sådan en liste til så har vi allerede medlemslister af diverse partier og organisationer på venstrefløjen. Ikke at vi skal bruge den til andet end hvad Anne Grethe Holmsgaard havde tænkt sig med jødelisten, det er bare rart at have - hvis nu det skulle blive aktuelt med sådan en liste med navne og addresser.
“Vi kan overvinde had ved at imødegå negative stereotyper og fordomme gennem dialog og næstekærlighed” skriver Ayan Yasin, “studerende og veninde med de to voldsofre”, i Politiken. De to voldsofre er Nada Musse og Ayaan Ahmed, der blev “verbalt og fysisk overfaldet af tre etniske dansker – en mand og to kvinder – efter et cafébesøg i Odense” og det var “en forbrydelse motiveret af had til og fordomme mod muslimer og er en konsekvens af folkevalgte politikeres indvandrerfjendtlige polemik og propaganda mod den muslimske minoritet i Danmark.”
Hvad kan vi lære af denne hadforbrydelse? Hvordan får vi vendt skuden? Al had er tillært og kan derfor aflæres. Vi kan overvinde had ved at imødegå negative stereotyper og fordomme gennem dialog og næstekærlighed.
Hadforbrydelser er et åbent angreb på vores danske værdier og skal bekæmpes med handlinger af godhed. Vi, flertallet, kan ikke tie længere. I lyset af had er tavshed dødbringende. At tie er at samtykke, og apati kan tolkes som accept.
Godt de stakkels ‘Sharia-aktivister‘ ikke var fra Politiet. Men jeg modstår fristelser om at nævne moskeer, koraner, Muhammeds udsagn, kriminalstatistikker, Frankrig i undtagelsestilstand, terror mod jøder, Islamisk Stat…. Hmmm, Islamisk stat og tonen i debatten, det minder mig om noget jeg læste tidligere i debatten. Åh jo, “Socialdemokraten Jacob Lund, der sad i Folketinget for sit parti i et år frem til valget sidste sommer” og “i dag er lokalformand for Socialdemokraternes partiforening på Nordbornholm” tweetede “IS er en muslimsk version af DF” fordi Dansk Folkeparti vil “tage opholdstilladelsen fra flygtninge og sende dem hjem.” skriver Berlingske Tidende
Overfor politiko.dk uddyber Jacob Lund sin holdning:
»De har begge to frygten for det fremmede. Begge parter vil jo gerne udrydde dem, der ikke hører hjemme hos dem selv. Det kan godt være den ene skyder på dem, og de andre bare fortæller dem, at de skal flygte, men målet er jo det samme,« siger Jacob Lund.
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At man ønsker, at flygtninge og immigranter skal sendes retur, er vel ret forskelligt i forhold til IS, der slår folk ihjel?
»Nej, de skræmmer jo også.«
Men IS slår folk ihjel?
»Ja, på den måde er der forskel, men begge parter vil gerne have sit eget område for sig selv.«
Måske er det svært med dialog hvor muslimer og venstrefløjsere ikke kan tænke en ærlig tanke, men måske skulle man prøve med næstekærlighed - eller måske blot med noget juhu, mens det hele går ad helvede til, så luk øjnene og dans dialog ind i dit hjerte
Børnekultur, den er hele tiden under forandring. For opfattelsen af børn er, som begrebet fortæller, et spørgsmål om kultur. Derfor er det falsk når det siges at vi alle vil det bedste for vores børn. Det vil vi ikke og der er ikke blot tale om perverterede undtagelser. Til nogle tider og i nogle samfund er børn f.eks blot en fremtidssikring, i vore tider ofte en selvrealisering. Og selv om vi ville det bedste for vores børn, så er vi altid uenige om, hvad der er det bedste. En hippie i Købehavns gentrificerede brokvarterer vil gerne have at deres børn identitet er en udlevelse af en eksotiske sexualitet som slår døren ind til et kreativt job for vores andres penge. For muslimer på Vestbredden og i Gaza er det fineste at se sin teenagesøn sprænge sig selv og sine omgivelser i luften ved et busstoppested i Tel Aviv - så de kan opnå martyriet og familien lidt EU penge overrakt via den herskende terrorbevægelse Og det er jo på en gang det bedste for børnene og en fremtidssikring for familien.
Men vi er kristne eller i hvert fald rundet af kristendommen, så børn er individder med en uskyldighed, der giver dem en særlig forrang for at komme ind i himmerriget, skønt de rationelt er lettere at erstatte gennem reproduktion end et fuldvoksent menneske og derfor burde have mindre værdi. Men synet på børn er ikke rationelt, det er et religiøst dogme. Og den slags degenererer jo over tid, når man glemmer eller endog fornægter udgangspunktet. Så i Danmark, hvis for tiden herskende, men efterhånden lidt skrantende gud hedder velfærdsstaten vil man byde den ellers udviste gangster Levankovic velkommen hjem til det forbryderimperium han blev tvunget væk fra. For hans børns skyld, selvfølgelig. Fuck andres børn. Eller som psykolog ved Red Barnet Kuno Sørensen formulerer det
Som jeg umiddelbart hører det, har man ikke vurderet, at Levakovic er direkte skadelig for børnene, så derfor vil der i sådan en sag være et behov for børnene, for at have en ordentlig kontakt i ordentlige rammer sammen med den far, som de er børn af. Det, at skulle rejse til et fremmed land og etablere et samvær i nogle fremmede rammer, vil ikke kunne opfylde børnenes behov
Gangsteren Fisfis har otte børn (8!), så han venter i kulissen. Er der noget som rettigheder? Men netop det at vi prøver at beskytte børn ud over al rimelighed, mens muslimerne kan tage småpigerne til koner (smådrengene kan bare tages) giver en udfordring i kulturmødet når de myldrer herop med deres barnebrude. Normalt ville vi redde dem ud af de pædofiles kløer, men når man ikke er fra Tønder spiller familien, som det ellers er så trendyt at dekonstruere, pludselig en stor rolle. For børnebrudens skyld, selvfølgelig.
Der kommer også flygtningebørn uden voksen ledsagelse (heldigvis er halvdelen af disse børn voksne), men disse børn sendes ikke tilbage til deres forældre, selvom det at “rejse til et fremmed land og etablere et samvær i nogle fremmede rammer, vil ikke kunne opfylde børnenes behov”. Måske fordi at når de endelig er med voksen ledsagelse, så vil den voksne måske ikke helt barnets bedste, men ser istedet barnet som en fremtidssikring, der kan slå døren ind til velfærd.
Her er en dokumentar om livet i Saudiarabien. Optaget med skjult kamera får vi et indblik i muslimsk liv, som det leves hvor det tages alvorligt. Fra The Muslim Issue
Saudi Arabia spent over $70 billion from oil revenues between 1984 to 2004 to spread Wahhabi Islam and terrorism all over the world. Our own trade budget is recycled and used to expand terrorism. Islamic terrorism accoding to the laws and dictates of prophet Mohammed. The amount has now surpassed $100 billion.
So why is the world still engaged in trade with the Saudis and the Muslim world in general, so intolerant and hateful of ‘the other’? Why are they allowed to get visas, diplomatic immunity, purchase properties, invest and fly in and out of the West with special previleges? This is a criminal alliance that is treason to the people in the West, their future and their security. This international association with the Islamic world is funding and enabling the spread of terrorism worldwide. The oil trade is the foundation of that door that opens to Saudi terror initiatives.
The Saudis have worked for decades to establish their roots in Bosnia and Herzegovina where they feel they gain easier access to spread Wahhabism into Europe. There they operate entire plagiarism operations and education on forging official documents. When Merkel Muslims illegally arrived into the mediterranean pre-planned through fraudulant claims in need of asylum Saudis didn’t offer them any shelters of ‘protection’ in their mutual Ummah. The Saudis quickly offered to fund 200 mosques. 200 Wahhabi mosques of hatred to be spread across Europe. There is already 5,000 mosques across Europe.
Det blev ikke udpenslet, men de problematiske moskéer var de største, og mellem linjerne kom det frem, at det på ingen måde drejede sig om at et mindretal af herboende muslimer fra flere arabiske lande og Somalia. Det blev fortalt, at 80 procent af kvinder fra disse lande ikke var i arbejde, hvad til dels blev forklaret med islams holdning til kvinders ageren i det offentlige rum.
Og Kasper Støvring mindede om de sørgelige tal
Er det kun et lille mindretal, der støtter det? Det er tvivlsomt, hvis vi ser på den mest omfattende undersøgelse, der er lavet om europæiske muslimer, WZB-undersøgelsen. Her mener 75 procent af alle muslimer, at der kun findes én sand udlægning af Koranen, og 65 procent mener, at religiøse lov skal stå over sekulære love. I en undersøgelse fra sidste år, lavet af Wilke for Jyllands-Posten, så man en stigende tendens til islamisering blandt muslimer i Danmark. I 2006 mente 62 procent af danske muslimer, at Koranens anvisninger skal følges fuldt ud. Det tal er vokset til 77 procent i dag. Undersøgelsen viste også, at 50 procent beder mere end fem gange dagligt. Ved en tilsvarende måling i 2006 var det tal blot 37 procent, og andelen der ønsker, at kvinder skal være tilslørede i det offentlige rum, er vokset fra 28 procent til 42.
Ah ja, skjulte optagelser fra en moske sætter fokus på enkelte imamer og deres misforståede udlægning af islam - i hvert fald for vores politiske systems opfattelse. Venstres integrations- og udlændingeordfører Marcus Knuth “personlige reaktion er, at man bør rive moskéen ned og udvise imamerne“, skriver TV2. Og Konservative vil sammen med SF have en decideret dansk imamuddannelse, “et opgør med de selvbestaltede imamer, der kommer med grundlæggende anderledes samfundssyn end det, vi har i Danmark“, som integrationsordfører for Socialistisk Folkeparti Jacob Mark formulerede det ifølge Jyllands-Posten. Det er for socialister ikke et dansk samfundssyn vi har i Danmark, blot et samfundssyn i Danmark - og nu har vi altså et samfundssyn til. Alligevel “væmmes” Jacob Mark faktisk over de sydlandske
Som udgangspunkt er jeg villig til at gå ret langt for at få erstattet de radikale imamer, som får lov til at prædike i danske moskeer. Så hvis det handler om at finansiere de moskeer, der ikke har råd til sin egen imam, så synes jeg, det er det værd
Selvom vi kun har et samfundssyn i Danmark, så har vi dog noget, der er dansk, nemlig danske moskeer. Og de danske moskeer er af svingende kvalitet med hensyn til det i øjeblikket tilstedeværende samfundssynd, så vi må støtte de mindst ringe mod overmagten. Møller fangede pointen i at “de problematiske moskéer var de største“, største, som i mest populære, læggende sig mest op ad mainstream, mest på linie med muslimer flest, givende mest mening for en troende muslim, i størst overensstemmelse med islams væsen - sådan set ud fra et muslimsk perspektiv. TV2 citerede endvidere Venstres forrige integrations- og udlændingeordfører, den senere skatteminister Karsten Lauritzen, der sidste år ikke mente at man “løser problemet i Grimhøj ved at lukke lokalerne og jævne bygningen med jorden“, førend han fortsatte med en tom indsigt
For det er de mennesker, der prædiker og har deres daglige gang og holdninger, der er problemet. Dem bekæmper vi bedst ved at tage en debat omkring det og udfordre dem i offentligheden i stedet for at drive dem under jorden
Ja, absurditeterne bor i hjerterne og ikke i murstenene, men det er ikke et imamproblem at imamerne kender islam og prædiker for menigheden. Venstre er regeringen og trods deres bravaller vil ingen imam blive hældt ud af landet for at fortælle om islam, som ingen muslim vil blive stoppet ved grænsen. Og hvorfor også det da “vi har selv lukket den fanatiske imam, Oussama El-Saadi ind” som konstitueret præst i Stenstrup-Lunde pastorat Maria Høgh skriver i Berlingske Tidende
Og hvad gør vi så ved det? Ja, vi kunne begynde med at opgive troen på det gode i mennesket. Trangen til retfærdighed og godhed i mennesket er med Tom Kristensens udtryk »asiatisk i vælde«. Det er ikke bare en uskyldig og naiv tro – den er farlig for nationen, fordi trangen til godhed også bliver politisk.
Men politikerne vil ikke opgive illusionen. Vil de ikke se i øjnene, hvad vi har lukket ind i landet siden 1983? Skal det ikke snarere handle om inddæmningspolitik i stedet for integrationspolitik?
Hvis nogen bliver godt integreret i Danmark, er det ikke alene på grund af en eller anden politisk pakkeløsning, men fordi det enkelte menneske selv tager ansvar og gør op med sine patriarkalske familiemønstre og den islamiske ideologi. Selvfølgelig skal Grimhøj-moskeen lukkes, som Naser Khader straks udtalte søndag aften. Men hvad så?
Oussama El-Saadi kan vi vel smide ud af landet, men er problemet så løst? Nej, det ændrer ikke på islams DNA, og enhver muslim har frihed til at tro på ideologien. Det ændrer ikke på, at verden har brug for en reformation af islam. Eller, må Danmark en dag i nødværge tage skridt, som strider mod alt det, vi som et demokratisk folk er opdraget med?
Tja – forhåbentlig ikke. Men her til morgen (mandag) har SFs Özlem Cekic heldigvis løst problemet: »Så uddan for hulen imamerne i Danmark!« skriver hun på Facebook. Det vil sige, at småfuglene selv skal udruge gøgeungen frivilligt? Men det skal de vel med vores store tolerance have lov til?
Og Jaleh Tavakoli kalder imamernes opfordring til forældre om at tæske deres børn ind i islam for hadforbrydelser og opfordringer til racistisk vold. Hun mente at højrefløjen burde stoppe deres “symbolpolitik” og “spil for galleriet”
Og hvorfor egentligt så al den larm, for de ting, der har været fremme om Grimhøjsmoskeen, er da islamisk teologi - som langt de fleste moskeer, også i Danmark, kan skrive under på.
(…)
Kære politi, retsvæsen og politikere, fortæl mig venligst, hvorfor imamer og islamister ikke retsforfølges for at tale for faktisk at bekrige jøder, dræbe for apostasi og blasfemi, og deltage i hellig krig?
Det er utilgiveligt, at imamer og islamister uden nogen konsekvenser kan fortsætte med at true og opfordre til vold, for det foregår, det findes på nettet, i lukkede kredse og i moskeerne.
(…)
En politisk kamp der strækker sig fra integration, til asylpolitik, til sikkerhedspolitik, til ulandsbistand, og til de militære konflikter, som vi deltager i.
I kan starte med i stedet at afskaffe de paragraffer, som tjener som appeasement, i en tid hvor fascismen truer os på ytringsfriheden, og det gælder både blasfemi- og racismeparagraffen.
(…)
Samtidigt ved jeg, at en del imamer på tværs af organisationer har valgt ikke at udtale sig. For teologisk er de på trods af uenigheder, enige om pisk, straffen for apostasi, blasfemi og stening med mere, så det siger jo sig selv.
Måske man kunne tæske islams væsen ind i vore politikere, som muslimerne skal tæske det ind i deres børn? Imens i Rusland har nogen hyret en barnepige med hijab
Det var et sidespring. Og apropos sidespring, Bettina Heltberg mente i Politiken, at kunne “se på Marie Krarups bittert nedadbøjede mundvige, at hun i Guds navn har fået mange små relevante ørefigner i sin opvækst“. “Hendes ansigt er bittert, træk for træk ligner hun sin far. Han var berygtet for at slå sine døtre…” skrev hun oplysende. At det er en løgn kommer ikke i vejen for Politikens faste klummeskriver, der selv levede med rygterne om sin tidligere mand, Svend Aukens udenomsægteskablige eskapader - ‘Lange Svend’ var altid dobbelttydigt. Men gad vide, hvad hvad Heltberg ser i muslimers ansigter?
- Frygt Allah, brødre og søstre, lær jeres børn Salah (at bede red.). Det er obligatorisk for jer at lære dem at bede, fra de er syv år. Og endda at slå dem, hvis de ikke laver Salah, når de er 10 år, siger imamen på de skjulte optagelser.
Og som Møller skriver i sit referat; “Vold var et gennemgående tema” i skabelsen af gode muslimer. Man hører det hele tiden.
“Svensk jødehad gjorde det nemt for Bodnia at droppe »Broen«” skrev Berlingske Tidende. Det “svenske” jødehad “vokser. Især i Malmø, hvor vi optog Broen” forklarede Bodnia det israelske onlinemedie Walla. Det er nyt for Bodnias producer på Broen Bo Erhardt, der ikke havde “oplevet problemer eller utryghed på holdet” - et sandt mysterium. Ifølge Jyllands-Posten fortæller Erhart videre, at der var skyderier hvor “En ung mand skød efter muslimske personer, men ifølge produceren påvirkede hændelsen ikke produktionen”.
Bodnias svenske partner i Broen, Sofia Helin, havde for et par måneder siden, skoset Danmark for ikke at tage flygtninge hertil, i grel modsætning til Sverige, som hun var stolt over. “I skal fandeme tage jer sammen” sagde hun til danskerne og mindedes jødeflugten under 2. Verdenskrig; “En gang havde I brug for at flygte fra jeres land”. Tjah, det er blevet en kedelig tendens at hver gang der kommer invasionsstyrker sydfra, så flygter jøderne den ene eller anden vej over Sundet.
Johanna Schreiber og Björn Olsson, henholdsvis jødinde og politiker, skriver i svenske Expressen i forlængelse af Bodnias sørgelige erfaring
Malmös judiska församling blir mindre för varje år som går. Allt fler judar lämnar staden. Föräldrar vågar inte längre ha sina barn i den judiska förskolan.
När skandinavisk-judiska ungdomsförbundet höll sin årliga nyårsfest i staden vid årsskiftet var säkerheten lika rigorös som vid ett statsministerbesök. Judar över hela världen har under det senaste året samlat in pengar till den ultraortodoxa rabbinen i Malmö och hans familj. De har så höga kostnader för sin privata säkerhet att de behöver ekonomisk hjälp för att kunna bo kvar i Malmö.
Judiska församlingens kursgård i Höllviken, där barn och ungdomar från hela Skandinavien tidigare tillbringade både helger och sommarlov, gapar tom allt oftare efter att barn som varit så unga som i sjuårsåldern tvingats höra hot och glåpord som skrikits utifrån vägen.
Programomtalen gjorde det nemt for mig hurtigt at droppe Broen. Afsnit 6
Den fejlslagne integration viser sig snart at være det fjerde samfundsproblem. Københavnerne er i oprør efter en rettergang, hvor en gruppe politifolk går fri, på trods af at de har mishandlet en indvandrer til døde. En af de tiltalte bortføres fra sit hjem og forsøgene på at finde ham ender i gadeoptøjer.
Men hvad kan man vente af DR? Ikke en israelsk korrigerende dokumentar
BDS bevægelsen har kronede dage. Den tilbyder på samme måde som klimahysteriet, den gængse venstrefløjser et pseudo problem at engagere sig i så man kan undgå at se realiteterne i øjnene lidt endnu. BDS står for Boycut, Divest, Sanction og er rettet imod Israel - selvfølgelig. Herunder er en lille film, hvor man kan se hvilket sentiment, der er kernen i bevægelsen, hvor blindt hadet til Israel er og hvor dybt det ligger
A few months ago, Israeli TV News anchor Dany Cushmaro, travelled to US campuses to meet with anti-Israel activists and see how they campaign against Israel.
The interviews were revealing: Watch
Selv feministiske akademikere vil boykotte Israel i solidaritet med deres arabiske søstre, skriver The Daily Beast. Herunder en repræsentant for den jødisk-amerikanske gruppe CODEPINK, der er taget til Israel for at boykotte Israel
Adrienne Yaron skrev i Jerusalem Post at “BDS demonstrations are an opportunity for them to spew anti-Semitic vitriol and express their vicious hatred of the Jewish state. BDS’ only real power is in propagating its hateful ideology”. Realiteterne er nemlig, at der ikke er tale om en real eller realistisk boykot, fordi ingen vil boykotte nyttig viden, avanceret teknologi eller livsvigtig medicin. Og, forsætter Yaron med at forklare…
BDS’ own website only instructs its supporters to boycott “fresh produce, Ahava, and Sodastream.” Ahava and Sodastream are both great companies, but they hardly constitute a major percentage of Israel’s export sales. Moreover, these two companies probably benefit by increased sales from Israel supporters because they are the only two individually-named targets of the boycott movement. As for “fresh produce”, this stopped being a major export of Israel decades ago. Fresh fruits and vegetables now constitute only about 3.6% of Israel’s total exports. More importantly, the overwhelming majority of Israel’s fresh vegetable market is to Russia - a nation that has shown little interest in the boycott bandwagon and a lot of interest in feeding its population. Both India and China have also been steadily growing their market share for Israeli produce, and there is little doubt than any sales drop in Europe will be outbalanced by an increase from these giants.
So in fact, all the huffing and puffing of the anti-Israel “BDS” crowd is nothing more than hot air. The BDS movement has not, and will never have, any significant economic effect on Israel’s overall economy, because Israel’s economy is grounded in products and services that effectively cannot be boycotted. In fact, financial analysts are predicting Israel’s economy will grow more than any other developed country in 2016. Even these academic association resolutions are hypocritical and phony. If you read the texts of them, they specifically allow for “individual members” to continue working with “individual Israeli scholars” - in other words, these hypocritical professors don’t actually have to give up anything, or stop any research projects with Israelis. They make their nasty, defamatory statement, and continue business with their Israeli colleagues as usual.
Denne hadefulde ideologi blomstrer i EU (også herhjemme, men ikke i Tjekkiet) som Caroline Glick skriver i Jerusalem Post
Take for instance the timing of the EU’s first official act of open economic warfare against Israel.
On July 29, 2013 US Secretary of State John Kerry brought the heads of the Israeli and Palestinian negotiating teams together in Washington to officially launch a new round of peace talks.
The same day, the EU announced that starting at the beginning of 2014, it would be ending all joint projects with and all funding from the EU and its member governments of Israeli entities located or operating in Jerusalem, Judea, Samaria and the Golan Heights. The only exceptions to the funding and cooperation ban were Israeli organizations working to harm Israeli control over the areas, and non-Jewish Israeli entities.
The message was obvious. As far as Europe is concerned, “the peace process,” isn’t a means to achieve peace. It is a means of criminalizing Israel.
This week’s labeling guidelines were no surprise. They were promised two years ago. We have also known for years, that neither the funding ban nor the product labeling are ends to themselves.
In May 2013, Lithuanian Foreign Minister Linus Linkevicius told the Jerusalem Post that the labeling policy is merely a preparatory step on the road towards implementing the EU’s ultimate objective: a full economic boycott of Israel.
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Then there are the NGOs.
As NGO Monitor President Prof. Gerald Steinberg has been demonstrating for more than a decade, Europe uses NGO’s registered in Israel to advance its aggressive policies against Israel. The EU and its member states use these groups to get Israeli cover for their anti-Israel policies. They pay them to produce films and publish reports slandering Israel and calling for a boycott of its economy and the isolation of its government and citizens. The EU and its members then use these products they ordered and paid for as “proof” of Israeli criminality, which in turn justifies their aggression against the Jewish state.
Take Ir Amim for instance. Ir Amim works to deny the legitimacy of Israeli control over unified Jerusalem. In 2014 it received funding from the EU, and the governments of Holland, Norway and Sweden.
In 2010, the group called on the US government to cut off diplomatic ties with Israel or, at a minimum end its foreign aid to the Jewish state. Ir Amim supported and defended Britain’s decision to prohibit the Tourism Ministry from noting that the Western Wall is in Israel.
What all this boils down to is the plain fact that the EU is waging a political and economic war against Israel that is based on a comprehensive, well-conceived strategy that uses the EU’s strengths to their best advantage.
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Consider the timing of this week’s announcement. The EU chose to announce it is labeling Jewish products the same week that we commemorate Kristallnacht – the 1938 pogrom which marked the official beginning of the Holocaust.
For many Europeans, no doubt the timing was fortuitous rather than ironic.
In Sweden, out of “concern for their members’ safety,” Jewish groups were barred from participating in official Kristallnacht commemorations.
Then there are the Netherlands.
MK Hanin Zoabi, who can’t open her mouth without slandering Israel, was invited to deliver remarks at a Kristallnacht remembrance ceremony in Amsterdam. No doubt the organizers knew what they were going to get when they called her. Zoabi compared Israel to Nazi Germany for them.
For an ever growing number of Europeans, castigating Israel as the new Nazi Germany means absolution for the crime of the Holocaust. By transforming the Jews into Nazis, Europeans can shrug their shoulders at the fact that most of the nations of Europe collaborated with the Germans in their genocide of European Jewry.
Og, tilføjede Eugene Kontorovich i New York Times 13 november, så er EUs mærkningsordning endda i strid med EUs egne principper
What has largely escaped notice is that the labeling policy violates the European Union’s own express policy on such issues. The commission primarily justifies labeling as a necessary tool to provide consumers with the information that it does not regard the territories “as part of Israel.” However, European Union and national authorities that have addressed the issue have clearly ruled that special labeling is not required in such situations — neither for consumer protection nor to reflect the European Union’s view of the underlying sovereign status of territories.
Thus the European Union allows Morocco — which has extensive trade ties with Europe, but has occupied Western Sahara since 1975, and populated it heavily with settlers — to export products from its occupied territory labeled “Made in Morocco.” When challenged, the commission formally declared that labeling such goods as “made in” Morocco is not misleading, and is consistent with European trade agreements.
Also, European courts have considered the consumer protection rationale specifically in the context of Israeli products, and rejected it. Just last year, the British Supreme Court ruled, in a case involving Ahava beauty products produced in the West Bank, that “there was no basis for saying that the average consumer would be misled” by a “Made in Israel” label. The court held that such labeling was not deceptive as a matter of both British and European Union law.
The problem is not that the European Union fails to live up to its standards in some cases, like that of Morocco. Rather, in these other cases the union explicitly denies the existence of these standards. Such inconsistency is not just hypocrisy. It is a legal violation in its own right. The European Union’s foundational treaties require regulatory “consistency.” And discrimination against trading partners represents a core violation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and other treaties of the World Trade Organization, as the law professor Avi Bell and I have shown in detail in a recent paper. The union’s labeling guidelines are manifestly discriminatory, as they apply only to Israel.
The World Trade Organization treaties establish the legal framework for international commerce. Under the W.T.O.’s nondiscrimination requirement, it is impermissible to apply trade rules and restrictions to some member countries and not to others. And the W.T.O.’s protections apply not just to a country’s sovereign territory, but also to areas of its “international responsibility,” such as occupied territories. The United States, with international approval, received the benefit of its international trade treaties even in territories it occupied in World War II, as well as in the Panama Canal Zone, where it made no claim of sovereignty. There is nothing novel about a country’s receiving full trade rights for nonsovereign areas under its administration.
The United States has a great deal riding on the integrity of the international trading system. But the European Union labeling threatens to establish a precedent that would allow politicization of the system, undermining United States economic interests in broad and unpredictable ways. Thus it is not surprising that earlier this year, the United States passed a law opposing such European Union measures against Israel.
Making special rules for Israel has the undesired effect of reducing Israel’s incentives to take international law seriously: If the goal posts can be moved, there is less reason to play the game. As a putative role model for international law, the European Union’s greatest weapon is its probity and consistency. By damaging that, it harms its ability to set the global agenda.
Blot et lille stemningsbillede af Julen som den også tager sig ud i medierne, lidt satire og Bachs Jule-oratorium, som man burde gå direkte til og springe resten over.
Politikens Kultur sektion siger Fuck Julen på forsiden og i BT kan man læse at kulturforsker Rune Klingenberg Hansen, der viser sig kun at være “Ph.d.-studerende ved institut for kultur og identitet ved RUC” mener at løgnen om julamanden må stoppe fordi “[d]et kan give børn en dårlig oplevelse, når de finder ud af, at julemanden ikke eksisterer”. Religionshistoriker Jakob Skovgaard-Petersen mener pludselig godt at man kan lede alt muligt konkret ud af de islamiske tekster på Danmarks Radio, og slår fast at “Maria er Koranens vigtigste kvindeskikkelse (…) noget særligt”.
Men selv om Gud har dekreteret hans undfangelse, er Jesus alligevel bare et menneske og ikke Guds søn. Det er en grundlæggende teologisk forskel mellem islam og kristendommen.
Anderledes er det med Maria. Her er der nogenlunde overensstemmelse mellem den muslimske og kristne forståelse om de centrale punkter: jomfrufødsel, nedkomst, flugt til Egypten.
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Ligesom i kristendommen er Maria den ubesmittede kvinde, som Gud kontaktede og gjorde til redskab i sin store plan. Men fra sin mihrab har hun allerede længe forinden været i nær kontakt med Gud i sin bøn. Det gør hende til et fromhedsideal, særligt for unge piger, hvor profetens koner kan være det for den gifte kvindelige muslim.
Petersen, skrev en ven nedstemt, “fortier alle forskellene mellem hhv. “Isa” og Jesus. Han døde ikke på korset, korset er blasfemisk afgudsdyrkelse, treenighedslæren er “shirk”, polyteisme, Bibelen og Toraen er senere forfalskninger der dækker over at Jesus og de jødiske profeter var troende muslimer osv.” En anden kandidat til titlen som den vigtigste kvindeskikkelse i islam er selvfølgelig Aisha, der måske ikke gav Jesus liv, men var Muhammeds yndlingskone og et 9 årigt barn da han voldtog hende første gang. Hmm, en mor til en af mange underordnede profeter over for det perfekte menneskes yndling.
Eksemplet Aisha har gjort børneægteskaber til en systemisk plage for muslimske piger så kunne man ikke forvente at eksemplet Maryam – eller Maria – vil gøre det muligt for muslimer at fejre jul? Hans Hauge spørger, lidt i samme ånd hvorfor muslimer i Danmark…
…ikke bare selv holder jul, for hvis det ikke er en kristen fest, kunne han jo gøre det. Hvorfor synger han ikke »Højt fra træets grønne top« eller »Nu er det jul igen«. Disse sange er renset for religion. Er de ikke? Hvorfor spiser muslimer ikke and, rødkål, brunede kartofler, hvide kartofler og risalamande med svensk kirsebærsovs fra en karton? Der er intet kristeligt ved en and. Er der?
Jeg spørger igen: Hvorfor fejrer muslimer ikke dansk jul? Jesus er for dem en profet. De kender Jomfru Maria og Kong David. Hvad er problemet? Kunne muslimerne ikke gøre som de 90 procent af danskerne, der er bedøvende ligeglade med Jesus, men som alligevel fejrer jul? De lidt mere kulturelt interesserede går endda i kirke juleaften, for det er så hyggeligt. (Det er det nu ikke. Der er altid for mange larmende børn med, og salmerne er dårlige).
3 lande, alle tilfældigvis muslimske, har just forbudt fejring af Jul og på Filippinerne gik muslimer til jule-angreb på kristne bønder og myrdede mindst 7. Hmm, måske fordi Maryam ikke er Maria når man ser på forskellene. Så tilbage til Aisha, den rene vare der danner Allahdommelig præcedens for køb og salg af børnesexslaver.
Og så er der fakta og Fathi El-Abed. På sin Facebook-side havde den herboende palæstinensiske vrøvlemaskine postet følgende billeder
Og konfronteret af en Facebook ven med den detalje at Jesus var jøde argumenterer Fathi
“Jesus blev født i Palæstina og dermed var/er palæstinenser - MEN han havde jødedommen som religion og dermed jøde. Nationlitet er en ting og religion er anden”
Eller også, og dette er jo bare en vild tanke, er jøderne de egentlige palæstinensere. Og hvorfor mon Josef og Maria flygter til Israel? Eller rettere, hvad flygter familien Jesus fra i El-Abeds verden? I hvert fald er de kristne i dag næsten helt fordrevet fra Betlehem af muslimske troende. Og der er heller ingen jøder tilbage i Jesus fødeby.
Nej, Fathi var ikke satiren, den kan man læse fra Katherine Timpfs hånd, som hun hjælper venstrefløjen med at problematisere endnu flere julesange end den racistiske White Christmas og date-rape sangen Baby It’s Cold Outside
1. ”Jingle bells, jingle bells, jingle all the way.”
What’s with this song making people feel like they have to “jingle all the way”? I mean, seriously? People need to know that they have the right revoke their consent to jingle at any moment, even if they’ve already starting jingling, and even if the person they’re jingling with is someone they’ve jingled with before.
2. ”Gone away is the bluebird Here to stay is the new bird.”
So just because someone is “blue,” he or she should expect to be replaced? In case you don’t get it, the use of “bluebird” here clearly refers to “bird suffering from depression or mental illness.” People suffering from mental illness indeed often are pushed “away” due to the inherent discrimination against them in our society, and to sing about it in some cute little song as if it’s not a serious problem is disgusting.
You may think that I’m looking too much into this — but please don’t let the fact that I’m a woman make you think that I must be wrong. Rather, the fact that I’m a woman means that I must be right, and that asking me for any further evidence or clarification would be sexist and oppressive.
(…)
6. “Have a holly jolly Christmas And when you walk down the street Say hello to friends you know And everyone you meet”
More P.C. Culture Rachel Dolezal: ‘Race Is Not Real’ Republicans Need to Identify What They’re Fighting Against: Leftism Scalia’s Detractors Don’t Care about the Fate of Minority Students Okay, “Holly Jolly Christmas” — have you ever thought that one of the people on the street might be a woman who does not want to be said “hello” to? (Yes, women are people too. I know that’s hard for some of you to understand.)
Look: Just because a woman is walking down the street does not mean that it is acceptable for you to talk to her. We may be a bit far off from ending street harassment, but the least we can do is stop letting men use “Christmas” as an excuse to abuse people in this way. Ladies, let’s tell these dudes that — holidays or not — they’re just going to have to get their holly jollies elsewhere!
Ideen om en et-stats løsning på konflikten mellem araberne og israelerne er en antisemitisk drøm, der er ganske comme il-faut på venstrefløjen. Ideen er selvfølgelig udslettelse af den jødiske stat, mens man benægter det uundgåelige folkemord på jøderne, araberne straks vil forsøge Rwanda-style. Erik Kristensen formulerede sidste år på Modkraft denne drøm således
Men siden 1999 har der været en bred debat mellem både jødiske og palæstinensiske intellektuelle, aktivister og politikere om en en-stats-løsning, der skulle bygge på lige rettigheder for alle etniske, religiøse og nationale grupper i hele området, der i dag omfatter Israel og den påtænkte palæstinensiske stat (Vestbredden og Gaza). Det skulle være en sekulær stat, der sikrede fuldstændig lighed for loven, mindretalsbeskyttelse og individuelle frihedsrettigheder. En sådan stat kan tage mange forskellige former – en forenet stat, forskellige varianter af en føderation eller en israelsk-palæstinensisk konføderation.
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Den store fordel ved en sådan løsning ville være at den ville kunne dæmpe de etniske og religiøse spændinger. Den ville løse det store palæstinensiske problem, ved at få samlet de to store grupper af palæstinensere, der i dag lever i Israel og på Vestbredden og Gaza. Den ville kunne stille jøder og palæstinensere lige som befolkningsgrupper ved at give både jøder og palæstinensere ret til at vende tilbage til den nye israelske-palæstinensiske stat.
Opgivelse af ideen om en jødisk stat
Forudsætningen for en sådan stat vil være at jøderne vil acceptere at de bliver et mindretal en i sådan demokratisk stat, at de opgiver forestillingen om at de skal bo en i en særlig jødisk stat.
Forestillingen om en særlig jødisk stat, som mange jøder kalder jødisk og demokratisk er meget problematisk og vil ikke kunne holde i fremtiden. For det første er det problematisk at definere en stat etnisk og religiøst. Det skaber et etnokrati, der giver en etnisk-religiøs gruppe særlige privilegier. Allerede i dag udgør palæstinenserne ca. 20 % af Israels befolkning. I 2030 vil det være 1/3 del. Hertil kommer at ca. 30 procent af den israelske befolk i dag kalder sig agnostikere. Er den israelske stat ikke en stat for dem? Man ville jo ikke kunne finde på at kalde USA en hvid eller en kristen stat.Mange vil sige, at jøderne i Israel aldrig vil opgave forestillingen om en særlig jødisk stat. Måske går der lang tid.
Måske helvede skal fryse til først. Den seneste arabiske terrorbølge mod Israel og jøder i Israel kører på 3. måned. Ægget af islam i al almindelighed og deres ledere, kaster forskellige fortrinsvis yngre muslimer sig morderisk over tilfældige jøder. Oftest foregår attentaterne med kniv for den rituelle slagteaspekts effekt, men også ved at køre folk ihjel med en bil.
Det er arabernes terrorkampagne, der slagter hele ideen om al sameksistens mellem muslimer og jøder, ved at lade terrorbølgen være ultimativt civil. Ingen jøde kan være i nærheden af en muslim uden at foretage en konstant trusselvurdering og holde sig i alarmberedskab. Ingen kan sidde i bussen, stå i en kø eller sende sine børn i skole og være tryg ved de muslimske medborgere. Enhver muslim er bogstaveligt talt og ganske reelt en potentiel terrorrist, der uanset fremtoning, køn og alder pludselig kan stikke dig og dine børn ihjel. Denne kampagne søger definitivt og helt ned på mikroplan, at skære ethvert bånd over til en fælles menneskelig samhørighed.
Og det skal nok lykkes, for det er ikke de få der ødelægger det for de mange. Det er den arabiske muslim flest blandt de, der kalder sig palæstinensere viser en ny undersøgelse ifølge Palestinian Media Watch, der ønsker død over jøden
Following almost three months of Palestinian riots, violence and deadly terror attacks against Israelis, 2/3 (67%) of Palestinians are in favor of stabbing attacks against Israelis and almost the same amount are in favor of “an armed intifada.”
Although most Palestinians support “the use of knives,” almost half (47%) of Palestinians believe the PA’s libel that Israel fabricates the stabbing attacks and that “those who were shot have not stabbed or were not attempting to stab Israelis.” However, 51% do believe that “most… have in fact stabbed or were attempting to stab Israelis.”
These opinions were revealed in a recent poll conducted by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR) in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip between Dec. 10-12, 2015 (see below). Summing up the results, PSR remarked that “the ‘Oslo generation’ of youth between the ages of 18 and 22 are the most supportive of an armed intifada and stabbings and the least supportive of the two-state solution.”
Denne kvantitative undersøgelse kan suppleres med nogle kvalitative interviews. Corey Gil-Shuster spørger arabere, hvad der skal ske med jøderne, hvis de for magt som de har agt. Lidt nølende men med indlysende logik fortæller araberne, hvorledes der ikke er plads til jøder i Israel. De høflige taler om fordrivelse, de ærlige ikke.
Venstrefløjen er fuldt ud klar over disse realiteter - og den har sin dagsorden.
SF’eren Fathi El-Abed er en aktiv herre på Facebook, hvor han hver dag fortæller helt udokumenterede historier om både den uniformerede og civile israelske besættelsesmagts mord på og kidnapninger af palæstinensiske mænd, kvinder og børn. Faktaresistensen hos ham og hans følge af muslimer og venstrefløjsere overlever selv videodokumentation af at de palæstinensiske ofre viser sig at være attentatmænd, -kvinder og børn, der bliver skudt eller på anden måde nedlagt i selvforsvar og at de sjældent dør. Så naturligvis optræder han ofte i medierne som ekspert i Mellemøsten.
Og naturligvis lægger dagbladet Information - “Protestadresse for Antisemitisme” - spalteplads til et revisionistisk opkast fra hans hånd, hvor han begræder delingen af Palæstina for 60 år siden. Hans historiesyn jeg har en del indvendinger imod, men hvad der slog mig som en selvstændig pointe er, at han ikke nævner Israel med et ord. Denne manglende anerkendelse af Israels eksistens stikker dybt i det arabisk-muslimske sind, som man kan læse Bassam Tawil skriver for Gatestone Institute
A public opinion poll published last week refutes Abbas’s claim that Palestinians are committing terrorist attacks out of “despair and frustration.” The poll, conducted by the Watan Center for Studies and Research, found that 48% of the Palestinians interviewed believe that the real goal of the “intifada” is to “liberate all of Palestine.” In other words, approximately half of Palestinians believe that the goal of the “intifada” should lead to the destruction of Israel.
What is notable, is that only 11% of respondents said that the true goal of the “intifada” should be to “liberate” only those territories captured by Israel in 1967. Another 12% of Palestinians said they believe that the goal of the “intifada” was to release prisoners held by Israel.
The results of the poll, which covered 1,167 Palestinians above the age of 18, show that a majority of Palestinians continue to seek the destruction of Israel. The poll shows that only a few Palestinians see only the West Bank, Gaza Strip and east Jerusalem as the future Palestinian state. They want the “intifada” to replace Israel with a Palestinian state — preferably, one that now would be ruled by Hamas and jihadi organizations such as Islamic State and Al-Qaeda.
These Palestinians do not see a difference between, say, Ma’aleh Adumim, a “settlement” on the outskirts of Jerusalem, and any city inside Israel. One only needs to look at reports in the Palestinian media to see that Tel Aviv, Rishon Lezion, Kiryat Gat and Ra’anana are all considered “settlements.” These reports also show that Palestinians do not see a difference between a Jew living in the West Bank and Israel — instead, they are all depicted as “settlers” and “colonialists.”
None of the Palestinians interviewed for the poll complained about “despair and frustration,” or the lack of a “political horizon.” Obviously, they are driven by hatred for Jews and Israel. They do not, however, have a problem with “settlements” or “poor living conditions.” They have a problem with Israel’s existence. A majority believes that Israel can — and should — be destroyed. They are not, as Palestinian leaders claim, seeking a two-state solution.
According to the poll, more than 75% of Palestinians support the use of violence against Israel. More than 44% of respondents support the use of firearms against Israel; 18% are in favor of using knives to kill Jews, and another 14% would like to see Palestinians use stones. This contradicts Abbas’s claim that the Palestinians want a “peaceful and popular” uprising.
Another noteworthy finding of the poll is that 72% of Palestinians want the current “intifada” to continue.
Men det er ikke blot et spørgsmål om landegrænser, det er et spørgsmål om jøden, som nogle kvalitative interviews kan supplere de kvantitative meningsmålinger
Alle de gange araberne sagde nej til delingsforslag sagde de nej til Israels eksistens. Landflygtighed er ikke katastrofen, Israels eksistens er. Og 60 år efter Israels oprettelse kan Fathi El-Abed end ikke få ordet over sine fingre.
Denne video fra Hamas er en dramatisering af et af de mange terrorhandlinger der rammer Israel i disse tider.
Folk som de ca tusind antisemitter, der var samlet på Rådhuspladsen i weekenden og Torben Lund, tror moske at knive er de afmægtiges våben, ja for Margrethe Auken vil det sikkert være pap-knive, imod Israels teknologiske overmagt. Og at der på den måde er en hvis retfærdighed i terror.
Men kniven er symbolsk og angrebene er rituelle. Af samme grund som Islamisk Stat skærer halsen over på deres fjender trods et anseeligt våbenlager og nok teknologisk viden til at lave “russervogne”. Brændstof savner de jo ikke på de kanter. Svaret leverede en imam da nogle lod sig forarge over at han korrekt citerede fra koranen, der er det skriftlige grundlag for den i Danmark fuldt anerkendte religion islam. Jøder er efterkommere af aber og svin. Og der er ikke tale om et darwinistisk klarsyn, men om en grundlæggende karakteristik af det folk, der har byttet om på ordene og som ikke kan holde aftaler (især ikke fordi Muhammed ændrede aftalen undervejs og huggede 6-900 jøder for fode og solgte det dobbelte antal fra som slaver, men lad det nu ligge).
Jøderne er altså at betragte som dyr og endda urene dyr af slagsen. Det var derfor den moderate leder Mahmoud Abbas sagde at jøderne skulle holde deres ulækre fødder væk fra Al-Aqsa moskeen i sin hyldest til de mange terrorister. Og dyr slagter man. Derfor har kun den ene terrorist en pistol, som han bruger til at holde passagerne stangen, mens den anden terrorist går løs på passagerne med en kniv, en efter en.
Knivtemaet i den igangværende terrorbølge er altså rituelt fordi blodet skal spildes korrekt for det tabte land. Det tabte land er ikke et spørgsmål om grænser og bosættelser og andet pjat, som mange danskere tror fordi det er de eneste konflikter de kender til hjemme i andelsforeningen. Det tabte land er Israel, om det så kun var en matrikel. Det handler ikke om 800.000 arabere man i 1968 fandt ud af at kalde palæstinensere fordi man fandt at vesten bedre forstod nationale konflikter og at blod og jord hører sammen. 800.000 jøder blev ligeledes fordrevet fra de arabiske lande, men mens de blev borgere i Israel fraskrev Ægypten og Jordan sig deres egen befolkning i Gaza og Vestbredden ved at opgive kravet til jorden araberne stod på.
For Israels eksistens er den endelige ydmygelse af islam, da de beskidte jøder pludselig ikke var dhimmi, som det jo står skrevet de skal være, men derimod herrer i eget hus. Det er det der er Nahkba, katastrofen, som der har traumatiseret den muslimske sjæl.
Ovenfor ses lillebror Tamimi, af nogle kendt som Yonis the Menace, kaste en af de sten, som han blev forsøgt tilbageholdt for. Kvinder i hans familie og hans storesøter Ahed Tamimi, også kendt som Shirley Temper, forsvarede ham så teatralsk at verdenspressen fik sin historie om den israelske overmagts træden stakkels palæstinensiske kvinder og børn under fode. Far Tamimi stod og filmede hele optrinnet, mens vestlig journalister fotograferede på livet løs. Men, det gik op for nogle aviser at de var blevet castet i en Pallywoodpoduktion og den gode historie blev knap så god. Venstreorienterede Mondoweis skriver i sit defensorat for Pallywood familien Tamimi fra Nabi Saleh
No doubt the Tamimi’s are getting famous. But that is because they refuse to stop protesting the theft of their village land and spring. Denied any means of self defense, they dare to expose the world to the reality of their lives while the cameras are rolling. They have no guns or bombs, they fight with media and exposure. But the scenes they record are very real. And the whole point is to capture the violence they face, as a matter of routine, on camera. Rosa Parks also planned her heroic action on a Montgomery bus in 1955. But was it staged? Of course not.
Denne Rosa Parks sammenligning skal gøre det ud for et ræsonnement, men er falsk i sin opbygning. Tamimi familien eksponerer ikke en vold, men gør derimod at for at fremprovokere en voldelig reaktion. Eric Cortellessa var til stede og har i Times of Israel følgende beskrivelse af det rituelle hysteri.
Once I arrived at the demonstrators’ rendezvous, I asked someone standing next to me what to expect from the impending protest.
“We’ll start marching down the road, then the army will be waiting for us. Once we get to a certain point, they’ll start throwing tear gas at us, then kids will start throwing rocks at them on top of the hill,” he said. “And then it will go back and forth like that.
“And we’ll take lots of pictures,” he added.
At 1:06 p.m., the demonstration began in earnest, when the participants marched a few hundred meters down the road toward the soldiers, who formed a barricade. I couldn’t tell what came first, stone throwing or tear gas grenades, but soon there was a cacophony of both. As I was taking photographs, some of the tear gas hurled at the crowd got in my eyes.
“Don’t touch them,” someone told me. “The sting will fade, just wait it out.”
Meanwhile kids started running up a brown hill to throw more rocks at the soldiers, some with slingshots, some with their hands.
At one point the demonstrators blocked the road. Little kids, under the leadership of the adolescents, began to take large rocks and line them up in the middle of the street.
“They are blocking the army’s jeeps from driving up the road to come from behind later,” someone told me.
The protest then shifted to an adjacent hill, where adolescents and younger children threw more rocks at soldiers as adult villagers and activists watched and cheered.
And then, suddenly, people started screaming. A team of soldiers had rushed the demonstrators from behind to start making arrests. At the same time, other soldiers ran up from the bottom of the hill and grabbed one of the adolescents.
A partially masked soldier with a rifle in his hand was chasing a younger boy whose arm was in a cast. I ran toward the fracas just as the soldier picked up the boy, grabbed him by the neck and pressed him against a rock, putting him in a chokehold while he lay on top of him. A young girl, Ahed Tamimi, the boy’s 15-year-old sister, then ran to the scene and began yelling and crying, pleading with the soldier to let him go.
Everyone who had a camera ran to the scene, too, with photographers and videographers forming a half-circle around the melee. At that point, the soldier must have realized that whatever he chose to do would live beyond that moment.
An older female villager — Nariman Tamimi, the boy’s mother — came from behind the soldier and began pulling him off the boy. The soldier screamed for help as more people joined the effort. He then tried simultaneously to pin the boy down and fight off everyone else. The young girl bit his hand when he tried to grab her by the neck. Everyone around him then started to hit the soldier on the head.
Finally, his commander came and extricated him from the imbroglio.
Before walking away, the soldier dropped a tear gas grenade where all the people were gathered. I ran to spare my eyes from the stinging, and by the time I reached a far enough vantage point to look back, people were carrying the boy back to his home in the village.
The soldier and his commander had left without making the arrest.
Ten minutes later, almost all of the demonstrators were outside the boy’s home. Someone from the Palestine Red Crescent Society was making calls about two other demonstrators who had been detained. While the boy was lying down, people tried to comfort him and see if he was all right.
The Red Crescent worker then showed the boy pictures he took of the incident. “Good job,” he told the child. He then got up to talk with other activists and journalists about getting to Ramallah and disseminating the photos and video.
“We got them,” he said.
Bloggen Legal Insurrection har foretaget lidt rutineresearch på Tamimi familien, som medierne både udenlands og herhjemme ikke synes at ville vægte
There is no doubt that Bassem Tamimi is also very proud of his own dutiful children: after claiming in a recent FB post – uncharacteristically without any photographic evidence whatsoever – that “the IOF attacked the village of Nabi Saleh” and that his son Mohammad “was injured and broke his arm” during the resulting “clashes”, Bassem Tamimi posted several older photos and, calling his 11-year-old son “my hero,” encouraged him to “keep strong.”
A few weeks earlier, he also proudly shared an album of over 200 photos documenting the widely admired exploits of his daughter Ahed. This album is very worthwhile viewing, as the huge number of images that go back a few years provide an excellent documentation of the grooming of the photogenic Ahed for use in confronting Israeli soldiers for the cameras from an early age.
Both Bassem Tamimi and his wife Nariman also expressed their approval and admiration when Ahed posted the photo (above) that showed her throwing stones at (unseen) Israeli soldiers. Nariman Tamimi praised the image of her daughter as “awesome” (automatic translation from Arabic), while Bassem Tamimi posted an approving comment that, according to the somewhat garbled automatic translation, includes praise for her stone-throwing and “resistance.”
Og stenkastning er ikke så uskyldigt, som det fremgår af medierne. Der er israelske børn, der bliver myrdet på den konto og forleden var det nær blevet til 5 studenter oveni, hvad en anstændig palæstinenser ikke reddet dem, fra sin hob af naboer.
David Trads tager på sin blog på Jyllands-Posten til genmæle mod mange af hans kritikere ved at svare ppå 10 udvalgte og ofte stillede spørgsmål. Første spørgsmål han svarer på, er, hvor mange flygtninge Trads selv er villig til at tage imod i sin lejlighed. Trads svar går, som Trads logik altid, på det andet af to ben. Han svarer abstrakt til det konkrete og konkret til det abstrakte. Hvorfor hjælpe overhovedet?
Folk har rettigheder, som ikke er afhængig af, om enkelte af os vil dele ud af vores penge. I gamle dage var det omvendt. Da måtte arbejdsløse og syge eksempelvis håbe på, at godsejeren ville hjælpe til. Det var ydmygende.
Trads historiske kommentar om godsejeren er kun taget med for sin surreelle kvalitet. Tilrejsende fra hele verden har rettigheder som ikke er afhængige af, om flertallet af danskerne er tilhængere eller modstandere af at dele ud af deres penge.
Mit svar er, at jeg ikke synes, at jeg skal huse flygtninge i min lejlighed. Jo, jeg har skam plads - lige som mange andre har det - men jeg synes ikke, at det er enkeltpersoners opgave at huse flygtninge. Det er fællesskabets.
Det er jo ikke, fordi vi ikke har plads her i landet, at regeringen ønsker at tage imod færre flygtninge. Plads har vi nemlig nok af. Der er masser af steder, hvor det offentlige kan købe eller leje boliger til flygtninge.
Her i landet har vi et velfærdssamfund, som betyder, at vi finansierer de fleste opgaver, hvor nogen har brug for hjælp, over skatten. Det er en god ide, for så skal folk i nød ikke stå med hatten og håbe på almisser.
Vi har altså et fællesskab, men folk i vores velfærdssamfund har ingen ret til at sige nej til at man finansierer alle der kommer tilrejsende. Plads, har vi nok af, skriver Trads, for vi kan blot købe mere bebyggelse. Trads altruisme er adgang til andres lommer, lommer Trads mener er bundløse. “Er Trads den allerværste af dem alle, eller er det Stampe, Jensen eller CBT?” spurgte en god ven. Det er et svært spøgsmål. Carsten Jensen har vist skrevet en god bog i Vi De Druknede, så lidt formildende er det måske at sige om ham. Men det sørgelige er at det felt er endnu mere befolket, ja overbefolket, for nu at blive i temaet.
For overbefolket med tradser som Anders Ladekarl har vi nemlig hurtigt ikke plads nok i Danmark. Ladekarl var i forvejen en af de, der følte sig klemt af indvandringen og derfor flyttede væk og ud i de lyse med ordene “Jeg ønskede mig en større bolig“. Og i den bolig er det næppe heller plads til de indvandrere der allerede bor i hans hjerte så fællesskabet må tage resten - ja, dem alle, vi har jo en velfærdsstat til det samme.
Eller en trads som Per Nyholm i Jyllands-Posten, der har besøgt Nørrebro, med “bus A5 fra Nørreport, i sig selv en socialantropologisk oplevelse“, hvor han slet ikke har fundet det virkelig, han har læst om i medierne. Tværtimod falder han…
…i snak med en venlig marokkaner. »Hvad tror du, reaktionen havde været,« spørger han, »om attentatet var blevet forøvet mod synagogen i Krystalgade?«
Jeg foretager en fodtur gennem Langbortistan. Ingen voldsmænd, intet politi, snarere myldrende liv, energisk handel, caféer og eksotiske butikker. Vi er helt sikkert ikke i Mellemøsten eller på Balkan. Dér lærte jeg i krigens tid, at man aldrig måtte gå ind i en gade, hvor der ikke hang vasketøj ud ad vinduerne. Jeg når frem til Det Mytologiske Kvarter (gaderne er opkaldt efter vore gamle guder) og spadserer ned ad den berygtede Baldersgade.
Jobcentret er lukket. Fem meget danske ungersvende sidder med lidt mad, en håndfuld bajere og en flaske mineralvand – denne sidste dog med brus – på en trappe. Eftermiddagssolen bager, som var den på besøg fra Kairo. Alt er fredeligt. Den meget omtalte Café Bumzen er lukket.
Første snak med en marokkaner demonstrerer fluks en paranoid kulturel/religiøs offerdyrkelse, hvor man står i modsætning til majoritetssamfundet, der holder hånden over jøderne. Men Nyholm spadserer videre og oplever endeløse rækker af shawarmabarer og kiosker som eksotiske. Alt er fredeligt og Café Bumzen blev omtalt fordi det var en venstreekstrem terrorrede. “En enkelt molotovcocktail blev vist nok kastet under en nylig fest” får vi senere at vide helt urelateret. Og måske blev denne molotovcocktail også kastet uden relation til Café Bumzen, men det styrer ikke Nyholms pointe.
Overflader har let ved at tage sig idylliske ud, hvis man ikke ved, hvad det er man ser når man ser “En arabisk fane vajer fra taget.” eller, hvad man skal mene om
En moder, hyllet i sort fra top til tå, passerer med to småpiger. De danser hen ad fortovet. Om 15 år vil de være til skæg og ballade i nattelivet.
Ja, børn af fundamentalistiske forældre er party-monkeys sammen med alle de andre tilhyldede piger på diskotekerne. Men der er en slange i Paradis
Vel inden døre trækker jeg over facebookkommentarerne til brandanslaget i Nordvestkvarteret. En navngiven herre skriver: »Godt, respekt – brænd kamellortet af.« En anden tilføjer: »I må godt få 10 liter benzin af mig.« En tredje: »Det næste bliver deres moske inden jeg dør er den brændt ned.«
Sådan lød skrålet i de tyske gader i nazitiden. Sådan lyder skrålet i vore dages København.
Det er problemet med Danmark idag, danskerne; de fylder for meget i velfærdsstaten.
Historien om Mosab Hassan Yousef findes som dokumentar. Mosab Hassan Yousef trådte med stenkast mod jøder under den første intifada allerede som barn ind i palæstinensernes kamp mod Israel. Han er blevet arresteret mange gange, er søn af højtstående Hamas leder SheikhHassan Yousef og var han fra 1997 til 2007 spion for det israelske efterretningsvæsen Shin Bet.
Shin Bet considered him its most valuable source within the Hamas leadership: the information Yousef supplied prevented dozens of suicide attacks and assassinations of Israelis, exposed numerous Hamas cells,[1] and assisted Israel in hunting down many militants, including the incarceration of his own father, a Hamas leader SheikhHassan Yousef.[4] In March 2010, he published his autobiography titled Son of Hamas.[5]
In 1999, Yousef converted to Christianity, and in 2007 moved to the United States.[2] His request for political asylum in the United States was granted pending a routine background check on June 30, 2010
“If we blame Hamas, we need also to blame the ideology that inspires them. If we fight Hamas or any radicals or fundamentalist groups, we need to understand that we are fighting their ideology. Islam is their foundation. If we’re not aware of this, we increase the chance that terror will win over peace.
“Islamic ideology is an aggressive and dangerous ideology, inspired by Muhammad, the founder of Islam. It’s very clear from Islamic texts and from the Qur’an that it is a violent ideology. People who say that it is peaceful, they have no clue. It’s a sick religion, born in a sick man’s mind.”
Hvis man kan leve med at den er beskåret, så man ikke kan læse de hebræiske undertekster, er her en lidt grynet udgave af The Green Prince
Så salonfähig er antisemitismen at BBC oversætter palæstinensisk jødehad til had mod Israel. Og hvad der ligger bag at direktøren for det Sergei Ustinov, grundlægger og direktør for Museet for jødisk historie i Rusland, er blevet skud i Moskva, hvor der bor 2 mill. muslimer, kan man indtil videre kun gisne om. Douglas Murray skrev i Gatestone Institute
In London, we have had Israeli orchestras, theatre companies and even string quartets howled down by mobs during performances, and Israeli-performed shows cancelled because the venues hosting them just do not want the bother. Last year, the Tricycle Theatre in London refused to proceed with a festival of “Jewish” culture because a tiny proportion of the festival’s funding was coming from the Israeli embassy in London.
The campaign is obviously organized. The same names crop up again and again. Little, if any, rigour is paid to whether the signatories of such letters even do what they say do, or have opinions worthy of any note. Beneath the barely-built veneer of “professionals objecting to something in their own profession,” is just the same tiny number of anti-Israel and anti-Jewish obsessives. A sprinkling of “as a Jew” Jews, like Margolyes, help, of course. But the aim is clear. These people, step by step, want to make every expression of Israeli and Jewish cultural life subject to their idea of how a nation under constant threat of terrorist bombardment should behave. They denounce Israel as a militaristic society and then attempt to outlaw every non-militaristic cultural and artistic expression from that society.
It is the bigotry of our time. And if unchecked, it will lead in the same direction as it historically has done.
City Journal skriver om Tuvia Tenenboms bog Catch The Jew!, en satirisk udhængning af antisemistismen bag den vestlige palæstinenserindstri. Tennembom er tysk jøde, der optræder, som naiv tysk journalist i Gaza, Israel og Vestbredden får han en del sandheder at vide om de vestlige donorer og ngo’ers anti-israelske engagement
In his tour d’horizon of the Palestinian territories, Tenenbom uncovers the fact that there are almost 300 pro-Palestinian foreign NGOs working (that is, agitating) in the West Bank and another hundred in Gaza, most financed by German taxpayers. Moreover, aid to the Palestinians by the European Union and the United Nations is the highest, per capita, in the world. Which might explain why, as Tenenbom keeps noticing all over the West Bank, so many Palestinian officials and activists are driving Mercedes.
(…)
Relying on his unconventional journalistic techniques, Tenenbom elicits a string of unguarded comments from the activists who work so diligently to keep the narrative of Palestinian suffering in the news. He opens a unique window allowing us to see how the victims’ game works in Palestine. For example, the popular Palestinian leader Jibril Rajoub—with the help of willing European collaborators—succeeds in staging a series of morality plays that perpetuate the big lie about his people’s historical innocence and unique suffering. Rajoub lets Tobi the German in on one such full-scale operatic production in the West Bank village of Bi’lin. With compliant Western reporters told where and when to gather, Palestinian youths comes on stage and, on cue, begin stoning Israeli soldiers. The soldiers ignore the “youths,” but the stones get larger and they eventually respond. The self-righteous Western reporters now have their “story” of Israeli violence for the day. Moreover, the event is filmed for a documentary by an Israeli leftist financed by (what else?) a German NGO. Tenenbom knows something about theater, and his satirical account of this staged episode is as priceless as it is depressing.
Tenenbom’s method produces pure satiric gold, as when the wife of an American rabbi who heads a one-man organization called “Rabbis for Human Rights” (financed by a European NGO) can’t contain herself and admits to Tenenbom: “You can’t change him. Being a human rights activist in our time is to be a persona, not a philosophy; it’s a fad, it’s a fashion. A human rights activist does not look for facts or logic; it’s about a certain dress code, ‘cool’ clothing, about language, diction, expressions and certain manners. No facts will persuade him.”
Another highlight of the book is Tenenbom’s visit—arranged by a European NGO—to an inverted Potemkin village of Bedouin encampments in the Negev. In the original historical version of the Potemkin tall tale, the Russian Czar created a few model villages with false facades to convince Western visitors that all was well within the empire. In the twenty-first century version of the tale perfected by anti-Israel NGOs, the technique is to make Palestinian and Bedouin villages look as awful as possible on the outside even when they are relatively well off on the inside. After all, it can never be admitted that the Palestinian people, despite their suffering at the hands of the Jews, constitute the most prosperous Arab community (with the exception of the oil-rich Gulf monarchies) in the Middle East.
To Catch A Jew bliver næppe læst i den arabiske verden heller. Alene fordi arabere hader at læse.
Paven mener det er hyklerisk at kristne producerer våben skriver Yahoo News
People who manufacture weapons or invest in weapons industries are hypocrites if they call themselves Christian, Pope Francis said on Sunday.
Francis issued his toughest condemnation to date of the weapons industry at a rally of thousands of young people at the end of the first day of his trip to the Italian city of Turin.
(…)
“If you trust only men you have lost,” he told the young people in a long, rambling talk about war, trust and politics after putting aside his prepared address.
“It makes me think of … people, managers, businessmen who call themselves Christian and they manufacture weapons. That leads to a bit a distrust, doesn’t it?” he said to applause.
He also criticized those who invest in weapons industries, saying “duplicity is the currency of today … they say one thing and do another.”
Hvis vi skal følge Pavens teologi så er Pavens egen garde vel ukristelig. Men Paven fortsatte med at slå fast at de allierede under Anden Verdenskrig burde have bombet tyskerne noget mere med bomber de altså ikke måtte producere.
Francis also built on comments he has made in the past about events during the first and second world wars.
He spoke of the “tragedy of the Shoah,” using the Hebrew term for the Holocaust.
“The great powers had the pictures of the railway lines that brought the trains to the concentration camps like Auschwitz to kill Jews, Christians, homosexuals, everybody. Why didn’t they bomb (the railway lines)?”
Oh, Paven sagde også noget om Første Verdenskrig
Discussing World War One, he spoke of “the great tragedy of Armenia” but did not use the word “genocide”.
Francis sparked a diplomatic row in April calling the massacre of up to 1.5 million Armenians 100 years ago “the first genocide of the 20th century,” prompting Turkey to recall its ambassador to the Vatican.
Men lad os se Pavens ukristelige våbensamling, som den beskrives af Guns
If you ever watch footage of the Pope, in the background you will often see a ceremonial guard dressed in an odd uniform. Made up of an extremely garish combination of purple and gold and cut in the style of a 15th century jester, these guards add an interesting flair to the Papal office, though their function is far from ceremonial. These men (no women are allowed) are all sworn members of a company of professional soldiers that dates back more than five centuries to 1506 making them the oldest military unit that has seen continuous service in history.
Formed of 110 officers and men, the Pontifical Swiss Guard are the defacto military of the Vatican City, an independent country of just .17 square miles (110-acres) in size located inside Rome, Italy. They are responsible for the security and safety of the Pope as well as the Papal facilities.
All of the members are volunteers serving 25-month contracts. To be a member you have to be an adult male Swiss citizen, at least 5-foot, 8-inches tall, under 30 years of age, and have successfully completed prior service with the Swiss Army. Once selected members receive further training in less-lethal weapons, crowd control techniques, dignitary protection, and other skills needed in their future job.
The Guard takes their mission seriously. In 1527 during the Sack of Rome, the Swiss Guard suffered more than 80% casualties in a rear guard action known forever as the Stand of the Swiss Guard, which allowed the then-current Pope to escape. The Guard responds to regular attacks on the Pope both in the Vatican and abroad.
Det kan godt være at Politikens Tarek Hussein mener at gravskænderiet på den muslimske gravplads i Københavnsforstaden Brøndby. Det “voldsomme angreb” med de ”forfærdelige billeder” kommer “i slipstrømmen på en tendens, hvor det danske Politi slet ikke har forstået alvoren af hadforbrydelser”. Zenia Stampe kaldte det en “rædselsfuld nyhed” og så det som kulminationen “efter en periode med angreb på kvinder med tørklæde, hærværk mod moskéer og et stigende nethad” og erklærede “I dag er vi alle danske muslimer”.
Men endnu kender ingen identiteten på gerningspersonen/erne eller motiver. Sunni/shia konflikt og gangsteropgør er stadigt kandidater og muslimernes lukkede og endda fjendtlige samfund er næsten umulige for politiet at efterforske. En 19 årig araber der angiveligt havde kæmpet for islamisk stat blev dræbt med knivstik på Nørrebro, måske som led i internt muslimsk opgør kunne man læse i Ekstrabladet, der også henviste til Syrienblog. Og hvad tæller som en hadforbrydelse? En 21-årig mand var kommet til at få øjenkontakt med et par arabere og en somalier i en bil og straks blev han overfaldet og stukket med kniv. Var det sket for en rettroende?
Omar sad og lyttede til sin imam fortælle, hvorledes jøder er aber og svin. Dagen efter gik han ud og skød sig en jøde. Det er slipstrømmen, tendensen og det er stigende. I Amsterdam udstillede en palæstinensisk venskabsforening billeder af døde børn, som Benjamin Netanyahu satte sin vampyrtænder i.
Som det ikke var nok at israelerne i deres jødiske blodtørst myrder for mange palæstinensere, så er deres beskyttelse af civile palæstinensere endnu værre, da den sætter en umulig standard for terrorbekæmpelse skriver Israel News
The IDF went to extraordinary lengths last summer to prevent civilian casualties while fighting Hamas terrorists in Gaza, achieving a remarkable 1:1 civilian to combatant ratio, but according to international legal experts it went too far in avoiding casualties among the enemy population.
Willy Stern of Vanderbilt Law School, in an article to be published next Monday in the Weekly Standard, details what he found while spending two weeks with attorneys in the IDF’s international law department dubbed “Dabla” as well as front-line commanders, and documents the IDF’s “legal zeal” which as he notes has not stemmed the deluge of international criticism against it.
Stern listed how the IDF bombarded Gaza residents with thousands of telephone calls, leaflet drops, TV and radio messages, as well as calls to influential citizens urging them to evacuate residents, and in doing so gave the terrorist enemy detailed information about its troop movements.
“It was abundantly clear that IDF commanders had gone beyond any mandates that international law requires to avoid civilian casualties,” writes Stern. He reported how Dabla attorneys have to sign off on a “target card” for each airstrike on terror targets, with the cards enumerating all of the relevant data about the planned strike.
In contrast, the Hamas “doctrine manual” captured by the IDF in the Shejaiya neighborhood early last August documents how the terror group urges its fighters to embed themselves among civilians in hopes that the IDF will kill civilians.
“Hamas’s playbook calls for helping to kill its own civilians, while the IDF’s playbook goes to extreme? - ?some say inappropriate? - ?lengths to protect innocent life in war,” reads the article.
“IDF harming fight against terror”
Indeed, international legal experts quoted in the article argued that the IDF’s actions do go to inappropriate measures, and may end up harming the ability to fight terrorist organizations.
Wolff Heintschel von Heinegg, a military law expert at European University Viadrina in Frankfurt, Germany, was brought by Dabla to train IDF commanders about armed conflict laws.
Heinegg was quoted saying the IDF went to “great and noble lengths“ to avoid civilian casualties, but warned the IDF is taking “many more precautions than are required.”
As a result, he expressed his fear that the IDF “is setting an unreasonable precedent for other democratic countries of the world who may also be fighting in asymmetric wars against brutal non-state actors who abuse these laws.”
Sharing his assessment was Pnina Sharvit Baruch, a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) and former Dabla chief.
She said legal advisers from other militaries around the world confront her with “recurring claims” that the IDF “is going too far in its self-imposed restrictions intended to protect civilians, and that this may cause trouble down the line for other democratic nations fighting organized armed groups.”
Michael Schmitt, director of the Stockton Center for the Study for International Law at the US Naval War College, also agreed that the IDF is creating a dangerous state of affairs that may harm the West in its fight against terrorism.
“The IDF’s warnings certainly go beyond what the law requires, but they also sometimes go beyond what would be operational good sense elsewhere,” he warned.
“People are going to start thinking that the United States and other Western democracies should follow the same examples in different types of conflict. That’s a real risk,” said Schmitt.
Og terrorbekæmpelse er også tendensen på vej op i slipstrømmen på den voksende muslimske befolkning. I Frankrig blev en terrorgruppe netop opløst skriver Telegraph
Fourteen members of a banned Islamic group stood trial in Paris on Monday on terror charges after police found a “hit list” of Jewish stores marked “targets” in files belonging to its leader.
Several of the stores belonged to the Hyper Cacher chain, like the one in which four people were killed in a hostage drama two days after the Islamist killings at Charlie Hebdo, the satirical weekly.
The 14, all members of a now-banned Islamist group called Forsane Alizza (”The Knights of Pride” in Arabic), are charged with “criminal conspiracy related to a terrorist enterprise”. Some also face charges of illegal possession of weapons. All face prison terms of ten years if found guilty.
The group was dismantled amid a crackdown on radicals shortly after a 2012 killing spree in southern France by Mohamed Merah, who attacked a Jewish school and soldiers, killing seven people before being gunned down by police.
The “hit list” was found during a March 2012 raid on the home of group leader Mohamed Achamlane, 37, in which they also seized an English-language manual on how to build a nuclear bomb, along with three demilitarised assault rifles, three revolvers and “easy recipes” for home-made explosives.
On Achamlane’s hard disk, investigators found a file called “target.txt”, containing the names of ten Jewish stories, five of which belonged to Hyper Cacher.
Achamlane, who has previous convictions for offences related to weapons and violence, denies any plans to carry out attacks and said the group’s aim was simply to “unite young Muslims“.
Som en lille krølle på halen, skriver Le Figaro, her i Elder of Ziyons oversættelse, at omtalte terrorgruppe Forsane Alizza fik personoplysninger om jøder fra en muslimsk medarbejder i det franske telefirma Orange
Thanks to “Dawoud”, an acquaintance working for Orange, Mohamed Achamlane, the self-proclaimed “emir” of Forsane Alizza, also received a “small gift”, specifically a list of names, addresses, landline and mobile telephone numbers of political personalities such as Nicolas Sarkozy, Roselyne Bachelot, Édouard Balladur, Jean-Louis Boorlo, Dominique de Villepin, Jean-Pierre Raffarin, Jean-Louis Debré and even Philippe Douste-Blazy. Forsane Alizza also obtained details of media figures such as Éric Zemmour [Jewish anti-immigration commentator] or Silhem Hachbi of the movement “Ni pute, ni soumise” ["Neither bitch, nor submissive", a sort of brown women feminist movement]. Insatiable, Mohamed Achamlane had even demanded details of “cops, judges, MPs, etc., so we have a big database to have a means of exerting major pressure.”
In a file called “UMP data.odt” [UMP was the major right-wing party in France, Sarkozy's party], the anti-terrorist judges also discovered that the Islamists had “personal data of members of the UMP, including MPs, former ministers and media personalities,” including “addresses, telephone numbers, electronic messages, vehicles, number of children, professions”.
Men så meget som muslimer arbejder på at dræbe jøder, så har det delvist statsejede Orange ikke berøringsangst over muslimer. Men de har derimod berøringsangst for jøder skriver Ari Lieberman i Frontpage Magazine
Last week’s rancid pro-BDS statements to an approving Cairo audience by Orange CEO Stéphane Richard, indicating his desire to immediately sever his company’s links to Israel, should come as no surprise to those who follow French politics. Orange, which maintains a licensing agreement with the Israeli cellphone company Partner Communications, is partly owned by the French government, making France at least indirectly complicit with Richard’s anti-Semitic, pro-BDS statement.
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More disturbing than Richard’s initial repugnant comments however, were comments made by Gérard Araud, France’s ambassador to the United States. In response to a stinging backlash from Israel as well as its supporters, including prominent Democratic supporter and Partner shareholder Haim Saban and Republican mogul Sheldon Adelson, Araud tweeted the following; “4th Geneva convention: settlement policy in occupied territories is illegal. It is illegal to contribute to it in any way.” Rather than expressing revulsion over Richard’s Cairo comments, Araud seemed to be expressing support for them.
Naturally, Twitter goers pointed out Araud’s hypocrisy, noting that he was quick to criticize Israel while failing to acknowledge other, infinitely more egregious occupations like those of Tibet, Western Sahara and Northern Cyprus. Others (including this writer) pointed out that Article 49(6) of the Fourth Geneva Convention does not apply to Israeli “settlements.” Prominent law professor and recognized international law expert Eugene Kontorovich noted that Araud’s position was not consistent with past legal precedent.
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There is perhaps no country on the European continent that has done more to harm Israel’s political and legal standing than France. In fact, it is safe to say that France, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, has caused more political harm to Israel than the entire Arab world collectively.
Both in private and public forums, French political leaders have consistently been dismissive of Israeli political concerns and insulting to its leaders. In private, French leaders have been caught on hot microphones bashing Israel or its leaders. In one such instance, President Nicolas Sarkozy, knowing that he had an approving audience, told President Obama, “I cannot stand [Netanyahu]. He is a liar.”
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All this anti-Israel French activity is occurring as anti-Semitic attacks against Jews in France continue without letup. In May, two Parisian Jews were set upon by a mob of forty and beaten in broad daylight. A week prior, another Jew was attacked while leaving his synagogue. In April, a female Israeli journalist (identified as such by the Hebrew lettering on her equipment) reporting on a plane crash in the French Alps, was harassed by a group of French Muslims in full view of passersby who did nothing to intervene.
France’s rancid anti-Israeli foreign policies coupled with rampant anti-Semitism within its borders are demonstrative of a sick and diseased nation that has irreversibly lost its moral compass. It is difficult to imagine France plunging any deeper into the abyss but then again, up until a few days ago, I thought that France had hit rock-bottom. Clearly, I was badly mistaken.
Også i Tyrkiet stiger de jødehadende tendenser. En Erdogan-venlig TV station har luret tendensen i Erdogans taler og produceret den populære dokumentar “The Mastermind” om hvorledes jøder ødelægger det for alle andre
The main theme of the film is the 3,500-years of “Jewish domination of the world.” It focuses on three “Jewish” historical figures (one of whom was not Jewish): the Spanish philosopher and Torah scholar Moses Maimonides, Charles Darwin (who was not a Jew), and German-American philosopher Leo Strauss.
Here are some narrative excerpts from the film, which opens with images of the Star of David and a replica of the Temple in Jerusalem:
The Mastermind, whose roots go back thousands of years, who rules, burns, destroys, starves the world, creates wars, organizes revolutions and coups, establishes states within states — this ‘intellect’ is not only Turkey’s curse, but the curse of the entire world. Who is this mastermind? The answer is hidden inside truths and facts that can never be called conspiracy theories. …
This story begins in the very old days, 3,500 years ago, when Moses brought his people out of Egypt to Jerusalem. The only guide he had was the Ten Commandments… We have to look for the mastermind in Jerusalem where the sons of Israel live. …
Maimonides… who lived in the Middle Ages believed that ‘the Jews are the Masters, and all other people are to be their slaves’”
The film then features several pro-Erdogan pundits, academics and journalists, commenting on the mastermind. “As they destroy the entire world, the Jews are searching for [the lost] Ark of Covenant.” says one. “The Jews use Darwin’s theory [of evolution] to assert that God created them – but everyone else evolved from apes,” says another. One claims that the Jews believe that they, the descendants of Isaac, consider themselves the masters, and that “all of us,” the descendants of Ishmael, are created to serve the Jews. And another blames “the mastermind” — whom he identifies as the Jews as well as the U.S. (which the film earlier claims is dominated by the Jews) for both the destruction of the Ottoman Empire and for the coups in modern Turkey aimed at ousting Islamist leaders and parties.
Finally, an advisor to Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu claims that all anti-government activity in Turkey was, in fact, attempts by “a mastermind” to bring down Turkey and its government.
I Vesten er de højere læreanstalter og venstrefløjen den antisemitiske tendens arnested