Åh, de jøder

Så det kan ikke overraske, hvad de er i stand til at arrangere

Det muslimske sind

Jeg har undgået at høre de sædvanlige forklaringer på, hvorfor unge mænd (muslimer) fra Vesten drages af ekstremisme (islam) og kan finde på at drage i hellig krig (jihad) i Syrien og Irak. Det afhænger ikke af sociale eller uddannelsesmæssige forhold, ej heller af niveauet af muslimskhed i opvæksten. Det handler blot om at være muslim og kæmpe for islam, som man kan læse ud af en rimeligt serøs artikel (fra fremtiden) i Economist

Western fighters often seem to jump at the chance to take part in a fight or help build a new Islamic state. The Soufan Group, a New York-based intelligence outfit, reckons that by the end of May as many as 12,000 fighters from 81 nations had joined the fray, among them some 3,000 from the West (see chart). The number today is likely to be a lot higher. Since IS declared a caliphate on June 29th, recruitment has surged. Syria has drawn in fighters faster than in any past conflict, including the Afghan war in the 1980s or Iraq after the Americans invaded in 2003.

The beheading on or around August 19th of James Foley, an American journalist, by a hooded fighter with a London accent, has put a spotlight on Britain. In the 1990s London was a refuge for many extremists, including many Muslim ones. Radical preachers were free to spout hate. Britain remains in many ways the centre of gravity for European jihadist networks, says Thomas Hegghammer of the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment. “The radical community in Britain is still exporting ideas and methods.”

While the overwhelming majority of foreign fighters in Syria are Arabs, Britons make up one of the biggest groups of Western fighters. But Belgians, Danes and others have a higher rate per person (see left-hand chart above). France, which has tighter laws against extremism, has also seen more of its citizens go off to wage jihad.


IS is not the only group Westerners join, but it is the most appealing thanks to its global outlook, which includes spreading the caliphate across the world, to its attempts to implement immediate sharia law—and to the glow of its military success.


Those who talked of defending Syrians now deny that the land belongs to the locals, says Shiraz Maher of ICSR. “Bilad al-Sham”, or Greater Syria, has a special status in Islam because it appears in end-of-time prophecies. It belongs to Allah, fighters declare. But what if Syrians do not want Islamic law? “It’s not up to them, because it’s for Islam to implement Islamic rule,” says the European fighter who says he left his home country because it was not Islamic enough. He says he wants to “educate rather than behead Syrians”.


Most of IS’s ideas and all of its gorier methods are rejected by most Muslims, who see the group simply as criminal. But it does draw on Islamic theology, arguing—for instance—that non-Muslims should pay jizya, a special tax.

Hvad muslimer tænker (eller, hvad journalisten ønsker de tænker) er som sagt uden betydning: “It’s not up to them, because it’s for Islam to implement Islamic rule”.

Many say they feel more comfortable in a country where the way of life is Islamic—even if not yet Islamic enough—and have no plans to leave or carry out attacks elsewhere. “I am much happier here—got peace of mind,” says the European fighter.

But others who have gone to Syria to battle against Mr Assad have become disillusioned, says Mr Neumann. They worry about infighting and about killing other Muslims. “This is not what we came for,” they tell him.

Der er selvfølgelig variationer i antallet af muslimer fra forskellige lande og retninger og etniciteter som der også er det i bevæggrundende. Og det er hvad der er tale om, variationer, som der altid vil være når der er tale om mennesker. Men variationerne er over et tema, islam, og trenden er klar. Det er en folkelig bevægelse. Man har råbt ad fontes og uagtet hvad en spinkelt flertal måtte mene er almindelig fornuft, som Vesten har inspireret til så er islam islam og man må tage hele pakken - det er ikke op til en selv.

Men variationerne vil være halmstrå til allehånde bortforklaringer om at det intet har med islam at gøre (som jeg lige hørte David Cameron gentage i TV - forstår politikerne vitterligt ikke at de udhuler deres påstand når de tvinges til at slå den fast igen og igen og igen?), at vi har en ansvar og derfor også evnen til at ændre, hvad der ikke behøver at være sådan. Det er ikke monstre, der tager kravet om jihad alvorligt, det er almindelige mennesker, der er muslimer. Som regnvejr reducerer antallet af demonstranter, således betyder faciliteterne også noget for, hvilke kampe man vælger at tage

But junk food is in ample supply, tweets a Swedish fighter, more happily. And there is a lot of time, sometimes days on end, for “chilling”, says the European fighter on Kik, a smartphone messaging app. That is when he makes “a normal-life day: washing clothes, cleaning the house, training, buying stuff”. Thanks to satellite internet connections, the continuing flow of goods into the country and the relatively decent level of development compared with elsewhere in the region, Syria is a long way from the hardship of Afghanistan’s mountains. Last year, to attract others to come, jihadists tweeted pictures with the hashtag “FiveStarJihad”.

Kedsomhed nævnes også som en del af forklaringen, men det kan kun påvirke variationen (hvorfor keder muslimer sig så ekstremt?)

More plausible explanations are the desire to escape the ennui of home and to find an identity. “Some individuals are drawn out there because there is not a lot going on in their own lives,” says Raffaello Pantucci, an analyst at the Royal United Services Institute, a London think-tank. Images of combatants playing snooker, eating sweets and splashing in swimming pools have sometimes suggested that jihad was not unlike a student holiday, without the booze. For young men working in dead-end jobs in drab towns, the brotherhood, glory and guns seem thrilling. Many of Belgium’s fighters come from the dullest of cities, where radicals have concentrated their efforts to get recruits.

I sidste uge kunne man i Telegraph læse lidt nærmere om det sørgelige muslimske sind.

Choudhury, 31, who once ran a Muslim youth group, has been accused of being the ringleader, blamed for recruiting his friends. Others suggest he was simply a willing volunteer, a married father with two children, aged five and two, who was disaffected with life in Britain and desperate for a change of scene.

He had worked for an insurance company and then his local council as a racial awareness officer. But he was also a con artist, who had tricked his own family out of tens of thousands of pounds.

In 2010, he conned them out of £25,000, under the false pretence of needing treatment for cancer, to go to Singapore, not once but twice for surgery.

Once there, Choudhury, who was in perfect health, spent the money on prostitutes costing £200 a night, his penchant for young women revealed in text messages discovered by police.

Back in Portsmouth, he resumed the habit. He went on what he called “lads’ holidays” to Morocco three times and twice more to Singapore in 2011 and 2012, while at the same time downloading lectures by extremist preachers, extolling the virtues of an Islamic caliphate. To atone for his sins, Choudhury decided to embark on a holy war.


Jaman, a former worker in a Sky customer service call centre, whose parents owned an Indian takeaway restaurant in Portsmouth. He had studied at an Islamic boarding school in London, but life in a call centre proved boring and un-demanding. In May last year, he went to Syria and began recruiting his eager friends. In messages posted on Twitter and other internet sites, he painted a romanticised version of life on the front line, boasting of a “five star jihad”.

A month before he went, Choudhury asked Jaman what kind of gun he could buy for £50. “I had a hand gun but it’s not a great one. I bought it [for] $30,” replied Jaman in messages seized by British police while building up their case against Choudhury.


Once the men landed in Turkey, they were met by an intermediary who took them overland to the Syrian border. From there, they crossed the border easily and were driven straight to an abandoned hospital in Aleppo, Syria’s second largest city, and scene of ferocious fighting.

“You could tell it was an abandoned building with broken pipes and wires,” Choudhury said at his trial at Kingston Crown Court. “No one spoke English. We had a meal of pasta and whilst eating, the table was shaking from the shelling.”

He said he was made to do the cooking and washing and look after children in a makeshift nursery. He had gone with grand ambitions.

In a series of tweets on September 16 and 17 last year, he wrote: “Leaving wife & kids behind for Jihad… All my life I strived to be something, someone, but isn’t being a Muslim something, someone. Isn’t being a Muslim the best thing ever?… The life of this world is nothing but a sweet poison that quenches the thirst of desire and drags the ungrateful soul deeper into Hell!” But in Syria he had become quickly disaffected.

Triste skæbner, nogle dør, andre kan ikke klare og nogle bliver sat til at skure lokummer. Og så vil man hellere bruge 2000 kroner på en luder men kun 500 kroner på et våben når man skal i krig. Men kedsomhed? Kone og børn og et produktivt liv tilfredsstiller ikke muslimen? Hvorfor?

Drømmen om jihad er depraveret ifølge Firatnews, der har set en dokumentar med det passende navn “Gang of Degenerates” (der skal tages forbehold for sandhedsværdien af det følgende, men måske er det historier om hvad man hygger sig med på en sådan “jihad student holiday” der drager?)

Attention was drawn in the documentary to the fact ISIS’s most effective weapon is its ability to create fear and terror by means of its methods, such as random killings regardless of gender, age, religion or ethnicity, its decapitations, rapes and burying people alive. The gangs do not feel a need to conceal what they have perpetrated, on the contrary they publish their atrocities so that more people can see them.


The most lurid part of the documentary was the part in which gang members gave their ‘marriage’ numbers in addition to their names and ISIS membership numbers. For instance, Cinêd Cemîl Silêman said his membership number was 333, while his marriage number was 583.

Mihemed Sebah Hebe? said his membership number was 500, and his marriage number was 400.

The ISIS members admitted that what they called ‘marriage’ was in fact rape. They said that every new member of the organisation was raped. The footage of the rape would be used as blackmail in the event of the new recruit refusing to participate in actions.

20-year-old Ferhan Salim Unûf Safên said he had been abducted by Silêman Kohnê, Ebû Qûteybe and Cinêd Cemîl and suffered multiple rapes. “I fainted. When I came round they told me: ‘you are now with ISIS in Jazaa.’ They told me to join. I said it was not possible. They did terrible thiungs to me. Things even the Americans didn’t do in Abu Graib. Things even the Israelis haven’t done to the Palestinians. I’m ashamed to explain them. There were 6 or 7 of them. Their faces were covered. They ‘married me’ about ten times!”

Ebdulkerîm Îbrahîm Bazo said ‘marriage’ was a rule in order to be a member of the organisation. Bazo said the ‘wedding’ was carried out like a ceremony, adding: “those who did it to me said I had gained morale and strength to fight.”


Bazo added that the footage recorded was used as blackmail. He said: “Silêman Kohnê took me to a village, where my ‘marriage’ was performed by Hecî Newaf Mele Mehmûd. They blindfolded me and carried out the wedding. About a fortnight later they came and said I had to participate in the organisation. I didn’t want to. But they had the footage. They threatened to show it to my family.”

Ehmed Hisên explained horrifying incidents; “I’m from the Sharbaniyan tribe in Malikiyê (Derik). Silêman Kohnê proposed that I join ISIS some time ago. But I told him I was newly married and did not want to be involved in such things. I was then abducted and drugged. When I came to I was in a room which stank terribly. They wouldn’t let me leave the room. Five people came in and told me I should join the organisation, I refused. Then they tortured me. They extinguished cigarettes on my body. Such things were not done to Iraqis at Guantanamo. You would think I was an infidel. They blindfolded and stripped me. They ‘married’ me 15 times. Then they washed my head and put cologne on me. They told me no one could join ISIS without being married. Then they recited very strange verses of the Quran. As they spoke I imagined images of severed heads. They spoke academic Arabic.”

Måske optræder serierøvpuling ikke ved ISIS jobsamtaler, men groteskheder er der nok af

Muslimsk klangbund

Arabere, Arabiske forår, Diverse, Irak, Jihad, Kalifatet, Kristenforfølgelse, Muslimer, Syrien, Terror, islam — Drokles on August 26, 2014 at 3:03 pm

Daniel Greenfield skriver så rigtigt at det der er galt med ISIS er det der er galt med islam.

Wahhabi armies have been attacking Iraq in order to wipe out Shiites for over two hundred years. One of the more notably brutal attacks took place during the administration of President Thomas Jefferson.

That same year the Marine Corps saw action against the Barbary Pirates and West Point opened, but even Noam Chomsky, Michael Moore and Howard Zinn chiming via Ouija board would have trouble blaming the Wahhabi assault on the Iraqi city of Kerbala in 1802 on the United States or an oil pipeline.


The media finds it convenient to depict the rise of newly extremist groups being radicalized by American foreign policy, Israeli blockades or Danish cartoons. A closer look however shows us that these groups did not become radicalized, rather they increased their capabilities.

ISIS understood from the very beginning that targeting Shiites and later Kurds would give it more appeal to Sunni Arabs inside Iraq and around the Persian Gulf. Bin Laden tried to rally Muslims by attacking America. ISIS has rallied Muslims by killing Shiites, Kurds, Christians and anyone else it can find.

Every news report insists that ISIS is an extreme outlier, but if that were really true then it would not have been able to conquer sizable chunks of Iraq and Syria. ISIS became huge and powerful because its ideology drew the most fighters and the most financial support. ISIS is powerful because it’s popular.ISIS has become more popular and more powerful than Al Qaeda because Muslims hate other Muslims even more than they hate America. Media reports treat ISIS as an outside force that inexplicably rolls across Iraq and terrorizes everyone in its path. In reality, it’s the public face of a Sunni coalition. When ISIS massacres Yazidis, it’s not just following an ideology; it’s giving Sunni Arabs what they want.Jamal Jamir, a surviving Yazidi, told CNN that his Arab neighbors had joined in the killing.

I stedet for at citere Jamal Jamir i CNN, så er her en tilsvarende historie fra Sabah Hajji Hassan på Yahoo News om at islam er, hvor der er muslimer

Yazidis fleeing a jihadist onslaught in northern Iraq say neighbours took up arms alongside their attackers, informing on members of the religious minority and helping the militants take over.

“The (non-Iraqi) jihadists were Afghans, Bosnians, Arabs and even Americans and British fighters,” said Sabah Hajji Hassan, a 68-year-old Yazidi who managed to flee the bloody offensive by the Islamic State (IS) jihadist group.

“But the worst killings came from the people living among us, our (Sunni) Muslim neighbours.”

“The Metwet, Khawata and Kejala tribes — they were all our neighbours. But they joined the IS, took heavy weapons from them, and informed on who was Yazidi and who was not. Our neighbours made the IS takeover possible,” the distraught white-bearded Hassan said.

Og de kristnes erfaringer er de samme

Dokumentar - Meeting ISIL

Press TV er en iransk TV station, så man skal se ‘dokumentaren’ med øje for propaganda interesser. Dog er det alligevel et kig bag facaden

To learn who these people are, what they are fighting for, and who funds them, PRESS TV goes deep into their camps and brings you face to face interviews and exclusive footage. Many of those who were initially infatuated by the group’s promise of justice seem to be horrified and utterly disillusioned today.

Everyone who is not us is the enemy and should be branded as infidel. This seems to be the prevailing ideology of the extreme Takfiri terrorists known as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Their aim is said to be the establishment of an Islamic Caliphate. Shias, Christians, Sunnis, Yazidies, and whomsoever who dares to question them or raise his voice of dissent are persecuted under their highly distorted version of Islamic Sharia. Gruesome be-headings, crucifixions and mass executions are openly carried out under their iconic black flag which is more like a modern day equivalent of a Jolly Roger. At times, it seems like their victims are whoever who is unlucky enough to be in their path during their killing sprees. And yet they know how to manipulate social media and have succeeded in brainwashing some to join them in their “fight for justice”.

Barneleg på muslimsk

Arabere, Arabiske forår, Hamas, Israel, Jihad, Kalifatet, Kristenforfølgelse, Muslimer, Terror, islam — Drokles on August 26, 2014 at 7:16 am

Via Snaphanen

Clarion Project har fundet et andet eksempel


I Gaza leger man terrortunnel

Et andet sted (muligvis Pakistan ifølge indehaveren af denne Youtubekanal, men det kunne vel være i Odense såvel som i Raqqa) leger man en fremmed er en der vil myrde en godtroende kuffar

Der er lagt i kakkelovnen til os kuffar de næste par generationer.

En chokerende rejse - Hanna Ziadeh og det arabiske efterår

Arabere, Arabiske forår, Diverse, Kristenforfølgelse, Muslimer, Sharia, Syrien, Terror, Tyrkiet, islam — Drokles on August 24, 2014 at 8:33 am

Jeg beskrev denne glimrende dokumentar sidste år og havde et par kommentarer til nogle meget sigende billeder, som Ziadehs fotograf fangede. Men jeg havde ikke mulighed for at vise filmen før nu

Bulldozing the Border Between Iraq and Syria: The Islamic State (Part 5)

5. og sidste del af Vice News serie om kalifatet

On August 8, nearly three years after the United States pulled out of Iraq, President Barack Obama ordered airstrikes to commence on Islamic State positions in northern Iraq, as the group’s fighters advanced towards the Kurdish capital of Erbil. For six weeks prior to the strikes the Islamic State made stunning gains within Iraq, effectively dismantling the border with Syria and defeating the Iraqi army with little in the way to stop them.

In the final installment of VICE News’ unprecedented look inside the Islamic State, reporter Medyan Dairieh journeys 200 miles from the the group’s power base in the Syrian city of Raqqa to the border with Iraq. There, after defeating the Iraqi army manning the checkpoint, Islamic State fighters work further to bulldoze the border.

As they clear apart a barrier that divided Iraq and Syria, Islamic State fighters declare an end of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, a nearly 100-year-old pact between France and Britain that divided up the Middle East. For now, that area between Iraq and Syria is part of a new territory: the Islamic State.

Click here to watch all 5 Parts of The Islamic State: bit.ly/1sDag1c

Og her er filmen så i fuld længde

Christians in the Caliphate: The Islamic State

Fjerde del af Vice News serie om kalifatet

The lightning advances of the Islamic State across Syria and Iraq in June shocked the world. But it’s not just the group’s military victories that have garnered attention — it’s also the pace with which its members have begun to carve out a viable state.

As the soldiers of the Islamic State continue in their effort to build up institutions in the north central Syrian city of Raqqa, the Hisbah, or religious police, are tasked with enforcing a particularly harsh form of Sharia law.

In part 4 of The Islamic State, VICE News visits the Sharia courts where those accused of infractions are sentenced to harsh penalties, including death by crucifixion. But the courts don’t just handle crime. Citizens can bring all manners of complaints, including family disputes, and see the Islamic State’s form of justice doled out.

With unprecedented access, VICE News reporter Medyan Dairieh also visits the section of the court specifically set up for Christians, where the Islamic State discusses its treatment of minorities, and sees a former Armenian Catholic Church that has been converted into an Islamic center.

Kalifatet er etableret!

Dokumentar om det nyligt oprettede kalifat. Deres fremgang er ikke så overraskende. Kalifatets øverste, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, vinder lokale tilhængere med bloddryppende islamiske citater “a message that clearly resonated among the crowd”.

Fra Washington Post

It’s “worse than al-Qaeda,” Brett McGurk, the State Department’s deputy assistant secretary for Iraq and Iran, told lawmakers last month. It “is no longer simply a terrorist organization. It is now a full-blown army seeking to establish a self-governing state through the Tigris and Euphrates valley in what is now Syria and Iraq.”

Some accounts say it’s no longer seeking to do this — but has already done it.

In the Syrian town of Raqqah, called the Islamic State’s capital, the movement governs with an austere, barbaric but orderly hand. According to this telling New York Times piece, for which a reporter spent six days interviewing residents, crime is rare, traffic cops keep the streets moving and tax collectors are organized. Those accused of theft have also lost hands. It’s a glimpse of what may be coming to the rest of the captured territory, a nation-sized swath of terrain spilling across borders.

But it’s not just the land itself. It’s what the land holds that suggests the true extent of the Islamic State’s power. It “now controls a volume of resources and territory unmatched in the history of extremist organizations,” wrote defense expert Janine Davidson of the Council of Foreign Relations. She added: “Should [the Islamic State] continue this pattern of consolidation and expansion, this terrorist ‘army’ will eventually be able to exert a destabilizing influence far beyond the immediate area.”

The group has a keen eye for resources and cash, which some suspect is the the fulcrum of its continued growth. In addition to stealing and selling ancient relics worth tens of millions and looting hundreds of millions from banks, it has also recently captured a Syrian gas field east of Homs along with other oilfields, killing 23, Reuters reported.

Experts estimate the group is pocketing as much as $3 million per day in oil revenue by selling off resources on black markets in the greater Levant.

Rojava: Syria’s Unknown War

Arabere, Arabiske forår, Jihad, Kristenforfølgelse, Multikultur, Muslimer, Syrien, Tyrkiet, islam — Drokles on July 23, 2014 at 5:16 am

Et indblik i en del af den syriske borgerkrig. Eller skulle man kalde det den islamiske borgerkrig?

As Syria’s bloody civil war enters its third year, fighting has reached the country’s Kurdish-dominated northeast, a region until recently almost untouched by the conflict. The Kurdish PYD party and its YPG militia, which is affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in neighboring Turkey, took over control of much of Hassakeh province from the Assad regime in the summer of 2012, and with it control of Syria’s precious oilfields.

But the PYD’s hopes of staying neutral in the conflict and building an autonomous Kurdish state were dashed when clashes broke out with Syrian rebel forces in the strategic border city of Ras al-Ayn. That encounter quickly escalated into an all-out war between the Kurds and a powerful alliance of jihadist groups, including the al-Qaeda affiliates ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra.

In September of 2013, VICE crossed the border into Syria’s Kurdish region to document the YPG’s counteroffensive against the jihadists, who had struck deep into rural Hassakeh in an attempt to surround and capture Ras al-Ayn. With unparalleled access to the Kurdish and Syrian Christian fighters on the frontlines, we found ourselves witnessing a bitter and almost unreported conflict within the Syrian war, where the Assad regime is a neutral spectator in a life or death struggle between jihadist-led rebels and Kurdish nationalists, pitting village against village and neighbor against neighbor.

Muslimer demonstrerer for sig selv

Der blev forleden demonstreret til fordel for de civile i Gaza på Københavns Rådhusplads


Billedet er fra Facebooksiden Muslim i Danmark, hvor man udover at se Hamasflaget


også kunne læse denne kommentar


Ja, ham Allah snakker dårligt om meget. Bag demonstrationen stod ikke overraskende Pal-Ung, Free Gaza Danmark, Nej til Krig, Human Rights March, Palæstina-Initiativet og Palæstina Fredsvagter. Men også noget så eksotisk som ”Copenhagen Queer Festival - Queers for Palestine“. Hvor ville man egentlig helst være queer, hvis man havde valget mellem Gaza og Israel? Nå, men det skal ikke forstyrre de dejlige billeder.

Men hverken Pal-Ung, Free Gaza Danmark, Nej til Krig, Human Rights March, Palæstina-Initiativet og Palæstina Fredsvagter eller det eksotiske Copenhagen Queer Festival - Queers for Palestine, demonstrerer imod udviklingen i Pakistan, som man kan læse om i India Times

The number of displaced people from North Waziristan, where the Pakistan army has launched a major anti-terror operation, has almost doubled to over 900,000 in the last few days.

Most of them complain of official apathy and are living in terrible conditions without basics facilities in tents and slums in Bannu, 371km southwest of Islamabad.

The misery of Arshad Daur (38) mirrors that of other displaced people. He left his village along with his ailing mother, three sisters-in-law and their five kids in haste when it was targeted in aerial strikes few days ahead of the mass exodus. They left everything behind.

Like many tribesmen, Daur’s three brothers work in the Middle East while he looks after their wives and kids. It took over 25 hours for them to cover their journey from Dande Darpakhel to Bannu.

Og Pal-Ung, Free Gaza Danmark, Nej til Krig, Human Rights March, Palæstina-Initiativet og Palæstina Fredsvagter eller det eksotiske Copenhagen Queer Festival - Queers for Palestine, støtter kurdernes selvstændighed, der ellers hele tiden bliver modarbejdet af de stedlige tyranner, som man kan læse i BasNews

Iran has warned Kurdish political parties, particularly Gorran (Change Movement) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) that they will close the border crossings with the Kurdistan Region if they step towards independence, and will refuse any replacement for Iraqi PM Nouri al Maliki.

A close Iranian source revealed to London-based Al-Hayat Newspaper that the Iranian Ambassador to Iraq Hassan Danie met with leaders of the PUK and Gorran parties. In the meeting, the parties discussed two points: first, helping the Iraqi Army to regain control of the areas that are under the Islamic Stated of Iraq and Sham (ISIS) militants power; second, the ambassador warned the Kurds against any attempts to declare independence.

The source explained that “[Iran’s] message was harsh and powerful. The Iranian Ambassador informed the Kurds about the disagreement of Iranian leaders for Kurdish independence. They have asked the PUK and Gorran [that have close ties with Iran] to take a clear stance. They have also told Kurds that Iraq’s constitution has given self-determining rights to Kurds within the scope of the federal system.”

Iranian leaders believe that Kurdish independence in Iraq is a red line and they will not accept it under any circumstances.  Iranian representatives have made it clear to to the Gorran and PUK parties that: “Kurdish independence will be seen as a political threat to Iran. Kurdish independence in Iraq will affect the Kurdish people living in Iran.”

Men der handler det selvfølgelig heller ikke om jøder. Pal-Ung, Free Gaza Danmark, Nej til Krig, Human Rights March, Palæstina-Initiativet og Palæstina Fredsvagter eller det eksotiske Copenhagen Queer Festival - Queers for Palestine, demonstrerer imod Israels naboers praktisering af muslimske love, som her i Syrien, hvor en mand piskes for at holde åbent i ramadanen

Og Pal-Ung, Free Gaza Danmark, Nej til Krig, Human Rights March, Palæstina-Initiativet og Palæstina Fredsvagter eller det eksotiske Copenhagen Queer Festival - Queers for Palestine demonstrerer imod korsfæstelser af folk, der forlader islam


y5 y3


"Whats app?" på trøjen

Og de tusindvis af kristne der følgeligt flygter fra muslimernes grusomheder demonstrerer Pal-Ung, Free Gaza Danmark, Nej til Krig, Human Rights March, Palæstina-Initiativet og Palæstina Fredsvagter eller det eksotiske Copenhagen Queer Festival - Queers for Palestine heller ikke for

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) is estimating that as many as 10,000 Christians have been forced to flee their homes in northern Iraq since ISIS’ takeover of the region. Many of them are taking up refuge in schools, most of which have no air conditioning or showers. The UNHCR is partnering with local charities to provide food, water and hygiene kits, but in a region where temperatures often soar over 104 degrees F, resources are stretched thin. Many of the refugees are in dire need of medical attention.

These refugees join the some 1.2 million who have fled Iraq due to escalating violence. The UNHCR estimates that the cost of caring for them will be about $64.2 million. So far, they have raised about eight percent. You can help by donating here

Men  ”Torsdag den 17. juli står en gruppe privatpersoner, herunder Modkraft-blogger Farhiya Khalid, bag en demonstration med parolen »Solidaritet med Palæstina - Stop den kollektive afstraffelse«.”

En advarsel til USA

Kristenforfølgelse, Multikultur, Sharia, USA, islam — Drokles on July 11, 2014 at 1:06 pm

En kristen konvertit advarer USA om islam. Fra The Freedom Press

“God Almighty has given you the grace. Whatever you do in America influences everyone in the world. You have that grace. One thing that Islam is doing to defeat you is causing you to be coward and fearful to stand up and speak against the invasion of the Islamization that is going on in your country. Stand up before it’s late. …If you get [sic] afraid today, within time, you will find your children and your grandchildren being Muslims and torturing other people. Stand up now and defeat the challenge of the global Islamization agenda.”

He ended by saying, “If it is truth, then let’s stand for it and the God of the Bible will defend your land.”

Isis med deres egne ord

En time lang propaganda video, der også er det bedste vidnesbyrd om islam og de rettroende muslimers verdensbillede. Grusomheder i flotte billeder.

Allahu Akbar


Muslimske brødre dræber ikke hinanden

Jihad, Kristenforfølgelse, Terror, islam, muhammed — Drokles on September 30, 2013 at 11:04 am

100 unge mødte op ved den metrostation ved Forum i København dels for at mindes Taha Saadaoui, den unge mand, der blev knivdræbt forrige uge, dels for at sprede et særligt ikke-volds budskab kunne man Søndag læse i BT (det er ikke alt journalister når at luge ud i)

- Vi vil vise folk, at det er nok med alle de drab. Vi vil have folk til at tænke over, hvad det betyder at gå med kniv og våben. Det er ufatteligt, at det er kommet så langt, at muslimske brødre dræber deres brødre. Som muslimer er det, det værste man kan gøre, sagde Tahas kusine Maryam Saadaoui til BT.

Vi så senest i Nairobi, hvorledes muslimer har forrang når der skal massakreres. Men det stærke sekteriske had er jo altså heller ikke til at styre indenbords, når dogmerne påbyder at gøre op, hvem, der er ægte muslimer. Samme dag som danske unge muslimer ikke fattede at muslimer ikke kun slagter ikke-muslimer kunne man læse hvorledes man rundt omkring i den muslimske verden havde finere distinktioner med, hvem der egentlig udgør en muslimsk bror. Danmarks Radio skriver

En selvmordsbomber dræbte mindst 40 personer, da han sprang sig selv i luften under en shiamuslimsk begravelse i en sydlig irakisk by søndag.

Eksplosionen ødelagde loftet i en moské i Mussayab, der ligger omkring 60 kilometer syd for hovedstaden, Bagdad.

Mindst 50 er såret, mens politiet siger, at der er flere lig fanget under murbrokkerne.


An explosion has ripped through a market in the north-western Pakistani city of Peshawar, leaving at least 33 dead and dozens wounded, officials say.

Police said a bomb had exploded in the Kissa Khwani market, with shops and vehicles set alight.

The blast comes a week after a double suicide bombing that killed at least 80 people at a church in the city.

On Friday, at least 17 people were killed in the bombing of a bus carrying government employees near Peshawar.


But the Pakistan Taliban have consistently rejected the country’s constitution and demand the imposition of Sharia law.

BBC kan man læse

Suspected Islamist gunmen have attacked a college in north-eastern Nigeria, killing up to 50 students.

The students were shot dead as they slept in their dormitory at the College of Agriculture in Yobe state.

North-eastern Nigeria is under a state of emergency amid an Islamist insurgency by the Boko Haram group.

Boko Haram is fighting to overthrow Nigeria’s government to create an Islamic state, and has launched a number of attacks on schools.


In July in the village of Mamudo in Yobe state, Islamist militants attacked a school’s dormitories with guns and explosives, killing at least 42 people, mostly students.

Boko Haram regards schools as a symbol of Western culture. The group’s name translates as “Western education is forbidden”.

Den store muslimske familie, hvor alle brødre er sorte får.


Arabiske forår, Diverse, Jihad, Kristenforfølgelse, Terror, islam, muhammed — Drokles on September 27, 2013 at 11:34 am

Onsdag kunne man i Jyllands-Posten under overskriften “Obama: FN-rapport ændrer spillet om Syrien” se Obama citeret for at sige “Når man ser på beviserne, er det utænkeligt, at andre end regimet kan have udført det“. Blot nogle timer senere i samme avis kunne man under overskriften “Rusland: Vi har beviser på, at oprørere stod bag angreb” læse at Ruslands udenrigsminister Sergej Ryabkov mente at der er ““tungtvejende grunde” til at tro, at gasangrebet var “en provokation”“. Der står storpolitiske interesser på spil og sammen med krigen bliver sandheden bliver ikke lettere gennemskuelig. Men, hvad der måske slører billedet af, hvem der begik, hvilke forbrydelser er araberes og muslimers usømmelige omgang med både lig og beviser.

Rapporten kan findes her (men den er meget tung for computeren at håndtere)


Perspektiverne for, hvad der virkeligt hændte de alt for mange børn er for grufulde at tænke på.

Det arabiske efterår

En chokerende rejse - Hannah Ziadeh og det arabiske efterår” hedder en dansk dokumentarfilm fra 2013, som Danmarks Radio har haft liggende på deres hjemmeside og som de nu af mærkværdige grunde fjerner igen, skønt den allerede er betalt af alle licensbetalerne. Det er synd, filmen kan ellers anbefales også for små billeder af filmisk symbolik, som kameramanden fanger. I programomtalen hedder det

Mere end to år efter det arabiske forår i Mellemøsten begyndte er regionen stadig præget af uroligheder. Vi følger aktivisten Hanna Ziadeh og hans kamp for menneskerettigheder i gaderne i Cairo og Beirut, hvor mindretal kæmper en daglig kamp mod undertrykkelse. Hanna er homoseksuel, halvt libaneser, halvt palæstinenser, ateist - men af kristen afstamning og ved derfor alt om at tilhøre en minoritet. Hans tilgang til den arabiske verden er hårrejsende ærlig. Vi kommer helt tæt på fra svindlere, korrupte hjælpeorganisationer, professorer, eksministre og afstikkere fra Det Islamiske Broderskab til demonstranter, menneske- og våbensmuglere og oprørere i Aleppo, som alle har en afgørende rolle i krigen. Alle med et håb om, at drømmen om frihed bliver en realitet, og magten i sidste ende falder i de rette hænder. Instruktion: Theis Molin

Efter en indledende vignet af stemninger fra den film vi skal til at se, hvor vi hører en kriger i Syrien sige “Vi vil ikke have medicin eller våben. Vi vil bare have våben.“, en taxachauffør i Ægypten sige “This revolution, I think it’s bullshit!” og en ældre korpulent kvindelig kulturpersonlighed i Libanon råbe “Fuck you and your lessons!” ind i hovedet på en forbløffet Ziadeh, som er krydsklippet med Ziadeh pakke sin kuffert hjemme i sin stue i Danmark, hente post i Center For Menneskerettigheder og høre ham komme med et par godtkøbs betragtninger om at menneskerettigheder er ganske virkelige for mennesker ude i verden skønt de forekommer abstrakte i Danmark havner vi i første scene på gaden i Kairo. Ziadeh er taget til en demonstration, der dels er en mindehøjtidelighed for en muslimsk massakre på koptere (de kristne i Ægypten), dels er en demonstration mod den siddende præsident, der på det tidspunkt stadig hed Morsi.

Vi har fået nok af undertrykkelse” og “Hver kugle gør os stærkere” råber demonstranterne med en mund. Henunder aften forsøger Ziadeh at tale med en demonstrant, men en anden demonstrant blander sig straks og siger til den første “Jeg fortæller dig, hvad du skal sige“. De får fat i en kvinde uden tørklæde og Ziadeh spørger ”Hvad synes du om de kristnes situation og den massakre, som blev gennemført mod dem for et år siden?” Den kvindelig demonstrant svarer “Kopterne har det ikke dårligt. Jeg siger det af erfaring og på basis af mit samvær med mange kristne“. En lille ældre mand, der står i den forsamling, der altid opstår blander sig: “Hvad mener du med at situationen ikke er dårlig? Situationen er dårlig!” Der diskuteres ivrigt på arabisk og kvinden spørger den lille mand “Demonstrerer du mod hvad der skete for et år siden eller mod præsidenten?” - “Jeg demonstrerer mod begge dele svarer han!“. Der er en let agiteret stemning, som skal blive værre.

Ziadeh spørger endnu en demonstrant, en ældre herre “Foregår der en systematisk forfølgelse af de kristne i Ægypten?“. “Det gør der fra bestemte grupper.” svarer han. “Hvilke grupper?” spørger Ziadeh og den ældre herre svarer “Fra de herskende grupper, de stærkt religiøse muslimske grupper.” (…) “Det er fundamentalisterne der skaber problemerne“. Der klippes igen til stemningen under interviewet der er blevet ganske agiteret og en mandlig demonstrant kræver “Sluk for kameraet!“.

Senere følger nolge ældre hijabklædte kvinder, den ene med en megafon i favnen, efter Ziadeh og spørger “Hvorfor giver I et dårligt billede af vores land? Vi muslimer og kristne står sammen“. “Alt hvad jeg har gjort er at stille et spørgsmål.” forsvarer Ziadeh sig “Bliver de kristne forfulgt?“.

Det er jo mærkeligt,” siger Ziadeh lettere ophidset til kameraet da de er kommet væk fra demonstranterne “vi deltager i en demonstration som viser solidaritet med de kristne der bliver slagtet fordi de er kristne, men så bliver jeg forfulgt.” En ny demonstrant kommer hen og Ziadeh vil vide, hvad der nu er problemet. “Du må ikke filme!“. “Hvem er du? Hvorfor er du her?” forlanger demonstranten at vide, mens han skubber til kameraet og Ziadeh spørger “Hvad har jeg gjort galt?“. “Vil du følge med til en betjent og forklare, hvem du er?” fortsætter demonstranten ophidset.

Der klippes igen og Ziadeh taler igen til kameraet med forskellige demonstranter i nærheden “Det her kan hurtigt udvikle sig til tumult.“. Tilbageklip til slutningerne på de samtaler Ziadeh forsøgte at få med demonstranter, hvor de skændes højlydt indbyrdes med agiteret gestik. Klip igen til Ziadeh, der løber gennem trafikken, ud og ind mellem biler indtil kameramanden forpustet spørger “Hvad fanden skete der?” og Ziadeh svarer “Jeg ved det ikke. Det var fordi jeg stillede det der forbandede spørgsmål.” mens han ser sig hektisk omkring. “Det er dem der kommer dernede, er det ikke det?” siger kameramanden og nyt klip til løberi, mens de to råber efter en taxi, som de får fat i.

Taxichaufføren, der har boet i USA, siger de skal være forsigtige “Det her land er sindsygt [fucking crazy], Det er langt ude.“. Det er denne chauffør, der kalder revolutionen bull-shit og han forklarer at der er nogen bag den siddende præsident, der er den egentlige magt.

Senere mødes Ziadeh på hotelværelset med en solid islamist, der forklarer ham hvorfor en kristen mand ikke kan gifte sig med en muslimsk kvinde og samtidig også grundpræmissen for det Arabiske Forårs problemer “Sådan er islam, og der er intet, der kan ændre den islamiske lovgivning! Hverken i det 21. århunderede eller senere“. Det er en scene, der er set så mange gange og eksperterne lader sig altid forbløffe over at islamisterne er konsistente i at Allah’s lov trumfer alt i enhver detalje og tilskriver denne konsistens en form for fejl. “Sådan er islams natur. islam hersker over alle og ingen hersker over den!” slår islamisten fast sikker i sin logik om at det er uantageligt for mennesket at stille spørgsmålstegn ved Allahs intelligens og indsigt.

Hele det offentlige rum i Ægypten er totalt farvet af islam. Hvis de kunne farve træstammerne grønne og kalde dem for islamiske så havde de gjort det.  Alt er islamificeret” fortæller Ziadeh kameraen mens han passerer et spejl, hvori han kan få et glimt af sig selv i sin nye indsigt.


Ziadeh er nu i Libanon og fortæller kameraet at han “tror at det arabiske forår har sat nogle kræfter fri og ingen anede hvilket omfang af forandringer det ville medbringe. Vi har alle haft en fornemmelse af, at islamisterne er stærke, men de er stærkere end vi har troet. Der er en afgrund af frustrationer og had i de arabiske masser, som vi er vidner til i øjeblikket. Det virker ikke som om at demokratiet har vundet revolutionen.

Ziadeh taler med en forsker, et dannet menneske viser det sig, ved navn Mammuth Shureikh, mens de spadserer ned af gaderne i Libanon

Mammuth Shureikh: “Landene i den arabiske verden blev uafhængige i 1940′erne. Nogle lande blev uafhængige i 1960′erne, andre i 1970′erne. Uafhængighed er et nyt begreb her. Hele tanken om demokrati, frihed og social retfærdighed er et europæisk koncept. Måske er den arabiske tankegang fremmed overfor de her moderne begreber.Det, der skete i Europa i 1848, og det, der sket i Frankrig i 1789 var en radikal og social omvæltning. Det samme sker muligvis ikke med Det Arabiske Forår. Vi har ikke en Rousseau, Voltaire, Kirkegaard eller Sartre.”

Hannah Ziadeh: “Vi har en Tariq Ramadan og Muhamad Sarhan og islamisterne, der taler til hovedløse masser”

Mammuth Shureikh: “Ingen har endnu skrevet om omfattende filosofi ud fra en solidt funderet analyse, som tager den social dimension i betragtning. Spørgsmålet er ikke kun det politiske”

Mens der tales om Rosseau og Kirkegaards Vesten og Østens Tariq Rammadan og hovedløse masser passerer Ziadeh og Mammuth Shureikh en burkaklædt kvinde der står kigger ind af et tøjbutiksvindue hvor tre mannequiner poserer i afslappet vestligt tøj.


Det er uklart om de intellektuelt optagede herrer ser ironien, men kameramanden fanger den og panorerer ud for at holde den dagdrømmene burka i billedet. Et sørgeligt billede, der gemmer sig et menneske bag formummelsen.


Ziadeh taler dernæst med den kristne libaneser Nedal Achqar, teaterchef og tidligere minister med en stori indflydelse på den offentlige debat får vi at vide.

Nedal Achqar: “Vi drømte om at den arabiske verden omsider slap af med sine diktatorer. Vi ønskede ikke islamiske love, eller at broderskabet fik magten. Men så opdagede vi, at i Tunesien, Ægypten Marokko og Algeriet… De sidder ikke endegyldigt på magten, men det er indlysende at det Muslimske Broderskab har organiseret sig i de sidste 50 år.”


Nedal Achqar: “I Frankrig var det hele planlagt. Der var alle de intellektuelle og Voltaire, der skrev før revolutionen. De visdste hvad de ville have. I Rusland vidste de, hvad de ville have. Alle de andre revolutioner… det var det samme i Spanien. Så det, der skete i den arabiske verden, var et stort rod. Hvis vi vender blikket mod Syrien… Syrien er noget helt andet.”


Nedal Achqar: “I Syrien havde de den politik at bekæmpe Israel. (…) Jeg er imod Israel, og jeg er imod ethvert europæisk land, som har sendt våben til Syrien. Dem alle sammen.”


Ziadeh på den anden side af skrivebordet, blottet midt i rummet.

Nedal Achqar: “Det vigtigste for mig er, at dette oprør altid kommer til at dreje sig om et oprør mod Israel. Det ønsker Vesten ikke at vi siger.”


Nedal Achqar: “Du må forstå, at vi prioriterer Palæstina over alt andet.”

Ziadeh: “Så det retfærdigør alting?”

Nedal Achqar: “Selvfølgelig gør det det! Det retfærdigør alt! Jeg ville andda acceptere at blive sat 100 år tilbage i tiden”

Nedal Achqar: “Jeg holder med syrerne og med iranerne fordi de støtter oprøret mod Israel.”


Ziadeh: “Vi to burde være på folkets side.”

Nedal Achqar: “Fortæl mig ikke, hvad jeg burde gøre. Spar mig for dine gode råd. Fuck dig og dine gode råd! Nu fortæller jeg dig min ærlige meningen foran kameraet. Jeg er pisse ligeglad med dine holdninger”


Nedal Achqar: “Alle i Vesten var meget glade for Det Arabiske Forår, men se, hvad det har ført med sig i hele den arabiske verden. They’ve made a mess”

Udenfor taler Ziadeh igen til kameraet om sin oplevelse af Nedal Achqar

Hun kan tillade sig at bryde enhver høflighedsnorm. Det kan hun når hun taler om den store fjende: Israel og Vesten. (…) Det er jo derfor at konflikten om Israel er så central. Fordi den har været brugt systematisk for at terrorisere interne nytænkere og det ægte krav om demokrati of for at legitimere diktaturerne. Først var de sekulære diktature og nu er de ved at få islamiske diktaturer. Det er utroligt.

Der følger en del stemningsbilleder fra Ziadehs liv som foredragsholder og panel debatør ude, som hjemme, hans samtaler med sin bekymrede mor, hans brokkerier over TV formatets alt for hurtige og overfladiske form (DR i dette tilfælde), Jacob Skovgaard Petersen der ved en talefejl opfinder et nyt ord “de islamante” og Jens Nauntofte der synes det er en god ide at Ziadeh vil tage ulovligt ind i Syrien. Ziadeh begiver sig først til Tyrkiet, hvor han vil købe noget medicin og hvorfra han vil bevæge sig ind i Syrien. Her udspiller der sig nogle bizarre scener.

En “superaktivist” i Tyrkiet tager Ziadeh hen til et nødhjælpscenter for at købe blood clot, der meget praktisk i en krig, kan standse blødninger hurtigt. Men på nødhjælpscentret kan man modsat, hvad superaktivisten har fortalt Ziadeh alligevel intet købe. Ziadeh konfronterer dem og siger at han har hørt at de får tilsendt masser af medicin, som ikke bliver sendt videre til Syrien. “Det er ikke sandt.” lyder det rolige svar og så “Hvordan kan det være at i filmer når i ikke har fået lov?“ Alle Ziadeh kommer i kontakt med i Mellemøsten får et eller andet problem med kameraet, med det dokumenterende, hvis man ellers fraregner den lettere verdensfjerne forsker som var velbevandret i europæisk idehistorie og den opulente . Ziadeh går på det sorte marked, hvor al nødhjælp ifølge ham ender og køber for 1.000 dollars amerikansk militær medicin han mener er smuglet ind fra Irak af en mand der slet ikke lader sig filme.

Med sin medicin organiseret gør Ziadeh de sidste forberedelser med den menneske- og våbensmugler, der skal tage ham ind i Syrien til oprørerne. Hans mareridtsscenarie er at menneskesmugleren er regimets mand da der så næppe er returbillet. Men det er heller ikke let, hvis smugleren viser sig at være den han giver sig ud for, fortæller Ziadeh til kameraet.

Jeg har været i kontakt med ham i over et år og jeg har bemærket at han er blevet mere og mere islamistisk. Også på hans Facebook kunne jeg mærke at alt hvad han foretager sig er blevet mere islamistisk.

Ziadeh skal ikke have noget af at fortælle smugleren om sin homosexualitet. På en restaurant vil Ziadeh have klare linier

Ziadeh: “Mit liv er i dine hænder. Min mor har fået advarsler om at de radikale islamister bare venter på at få fat i en kristen som mig  for at partere ham i småstykker. Alle advarer mig, men jeg stoler på dig.”

Smugleren: “Bare rolig, de beskylder mig for at være sekulær.”

Ziadeh: “Hvis du betragtes som sekulær har vi intet håb. Hvad skal du gøre for at være islamist nok i deres øjne? Skal du slagte folk?”

Smugleren: “De vil have at jeg kun giver våben til islamisterne så de kan kontrollere befolkningen”

Kun beskyttet af sine menneskerettigheder, der garanterer hans bøssekristne ateisme er Ziadeh fanget mellem dem han vil bekæmpe og dem han vil hjælpe. Alle parter vil slå ham ihjel, hvis de vidste hvem han er. Regeringen fordi han er udlænding, islamisterne fordi han er kristen og muligvis også smugleren hvis han vidste at han var bøsse. Ziadeh er vikeligt en minoritet af en minoritet, som han beskriver sine egne følelser tidligere i filmen. Men her, hvor der er brug for menneskerettigheder, har han ingen, og der hvor han kan udleve dem er det overflødig og abstrakt.

Ziadeh kommer ind i Syrien og møder oprørere, der fortæller at de ikke forstår hvorfor de andre arabiske lande ikke hjælper dem. De håber på et frit Syrien uden sekterisme (multikultur) hvor anstændige menneske kan leve i fred med hinanden uden tyranni. Ziadeh drager videre og hører senere at stedet de lige havde opholdt sig blev bombet at regeringshæren. Ziadeh er tydeligt påvirket og spekulerer i om nogen følger hans færden og at han således er medskyldig i at pådrage sine omgivelse unødig opmærksomhed.

Fremme ved Aleppo efter at have droppet nogle våben af på vejen, som Ziadeh ikke mente var med i aftalen, overdrager Ziadeh sine medbragte lægemidler til en oprører, der står bøjet over en såret kammerat. Oprøreren pakker den flade grønlige pakke op og konstaterer at det kun er gazebind med desinficerende sprit. Ziadeh er rystet, en oprører konstaterer roligt at han er blevet snydt og tilføjer “De er nogle tyvknægte“, måske også for at give et trøstens ord til Ziadeh i deres fælles bitterhed. Det er en tragisk scene af svigt, som har afholdt mig fra en del hoverende vinkler over godhedsindustriens møde med deres sammenbrudte Arabiske Forår. Tre sårede oprørere, der lå i det lille feltlazaret dør i løbet af natten og blodet skylles og svabres ned af trapperne i, hvad der er dokumentarens absolut mest skuffende symbolske billede, rammende som det ellers er. Til gengæld fanger kameramanden Ziadeh stående ved siden af en næsten tom svømmepøl, mens han taler om mangler og som han håb og kræfter rinder ud.


Ziadeh er en ærlig mand, der bedre end de fleste kender den arabiske mentalitet. Han siger i de indledende minutter af udsendelsen at “Vi i danmark har svært ved at gennemskue, hvad der foregår i Mellemøsten“: Så sandt, men det er ironisk at de, der er bedst til det, tager mest fejl. Hvor de fleste danskere forholdt sig skeptisk til kynisk til det Arabiske forår optrådte eksperterne euforiske for siden at falde sammen i bortforklarende fornægtelse indtil det revisionistiske eller som Ziadeh kæmpende med sin afmægtighed. Ziadeh vil have at deres gøres noget for at hjælpe den ulykkelige situation, men han magter end ikke selv at have den rette medicin med til oprørende. Omvendt var hans nytteløse tilstedeværelse måske skyld i at regeringen fik ram på nogle af de oprørere han ville hjælpe. Ziadeh slutter programmet med at konstatere

Det er endnu en bristet arabisk drøm. Det er endnu en forspildt chance for at gøre op med generationer af undertrykkelse. Tingene gik ikke i den retning, som vi ønskede. Hverken i Tunesien eller Yemen. Især ikke i Ægypten og heller ikke i Libyen og bestemt ikke i Syrien. Det er det rene mareridt efterhånden.

For os kynikere er det ikke så overraskende. Vi bekræftes i vores opfattelse af den arabiske mentalitet og det muslimske snæversyn i at der ikke er basis for fremgang blot fordi nogle demonstranter råber “Demokrati” eller “Frihed!”. Den arabiske stemning på gaden, hvor spørgsmål udløser vrede og mistænksomhed, hvor den hovedløse masse altid bisser, hvor meninger ikke er private, hvor der altid er en dagsorden af os mod dem, hvor alle altid er krænkede og den hovedløse masses vold lurer under overfladen, hvor alt foregår via mellemmænd og med andre bag magten, der konstant ændrer spillereglerne og hvor kameraets dokumenterende kvalitet er suspekt. En en-dimensionel verden af snæversyn og paranoia, hvor der er ingen fred, kun våbenstilstand, hvor man snyder selv de døende for en risikabel profit. En verden hensunket under så megen selvmedlidenhed, virkelighedsfornægtelse og paranoia at de end ikke selv forstår hvorfor de ikke får hjælp fra deres brødre. Det gør vi.

Ziadeh, som er en af de lødige naivister har modigt skabt denne film, med sig selv som indsats. Tak for det. Han bruger langt tid på at forstå, hvor det går galt i Det Arabiske Forår. Det behøver vi andre ikke. Billedet af burkaen, der er fanget midt i moderniteten og ikke kan befri sig men kun drømme er dokumentation nok, der er mareridtet, indgroet i muslimsk og arabisk mentalitet. Vi kender det herhjemme fra.

Dalga befriet

Arabiske forår, Jihad, Kristenforfølgelse, Terror, islam — Drokles on September 18, 2013 at 12:05 pm

Forleden henviste jeg her på Monokultur til en historie fra Ægypten, hvor en gruppe islamister havde besat en hel lille by og - surprise! - undertrykt de tilstedeværende kristne. Nu har militærdiktaturet endelig gjort, hvad der burde være dens spidskompetence, nemlig sat militæret ind mod islamisterne og generobret byen skriver BBC

Egyptian troops have stormed the central town of Dalga, which has been held by Islamists loyal to the ousted president, Mohammed Morsi.

Army and police backed by helicopters entered the town early on Monday.

Coptic Christians living in the town of 120,000 people had appealed for help, saying they could not pray safely and were being taxed by “thugs”.

Egyptian authorities are cracking down on Islamists following Mr Morsi’s removal from power on 3 July.

Hundreds of people were killed when government forces broke up protest camps in the capital, Cairo, in support of Mr Morsi.

Father Ayoub Youssef, the patron of Mar Guirguis Church for Catholics in Dalga, told the BBC that Christian families were “relieved” but still concerned, following Monday’s developments.

Eyewitnesses said the Islamists put up no resistance as the troops entered the town, which is around 300km (190 miles) south of Cairo.

Og således skulle alt nu være i orden i det populære turistrejsemål.

Lidt mere om kristenforfølgelse

Arabiske forår, Jihad, Kristenforfølgelse, Multikultur, Pressen, islam, muhammed — Drokles on September 16, 2013 at 8:56 am

Indian Christian Activist Network skriver om kristenforfølgelser

World, January 09, 2013: Christianophobia, which was published last month, written by journalist Rupert Shortt for Civitas, argues that “Christians are targeted more than any other body of believers.” He quotes research by the Pew Forum and the World Evangelical Alliance, which estimates that 200 million Christians (ten per cent of the global total) are socially disadvantaged, harassed or actively oppressed for their faith.

Focusing on the plight of Christians in seven countries (Egypt, Iraq, Pakistan, Nigeria, India, Burma and China), Shortt catalogues some of the most egregious attacks on Christians in recent years.

He states: In the large area between Morocco and Pakistan … there is scarcely a country in which church life operates without restrictions. Syria, he writes, had been “one of the exceptions until now”, but the country is currently wracked by civil war, and thousands of Christians have been driven from their homes.

Quoting the estimates of scholars that between half and two-thirds of Christians in the Middle East have left or been killed over the last century, Shortt states, “There is now a serious risk that Christianity will disappear from its Biblical heartlands.”

Artiklen åbner muligheden for at den islamiske forfølgelse af kristne og andre mindretal er teologisk og altså indbygget i islam. Det er begreber som Jihad, der konstant er en krigserklæring mod alt u-islamisk og så læren om overhøjhed overfor kristne, jøder og andre der gør islamisk vold og undertrykkelse systemisk. Som en modsætning til denne triste sandhed om islam trækker artiklen en bekræftelse frem, nemlig at Bush’s korsfarer ordvalg har givet islamistiske grupper et figenblad af en undskyldning til at kaste sig over de kristne. Denne typiske og forfejlede ækvivalens er her særligt ironisk fordi artiklen fokus først og fremmest er, hvorfor Vesten og den kristne verden ignorerer kristenforfølgelser og finder at det er fordi det er for svært at forholde sig til uden at skulle forholde sig mindre rosenrødt til religiøs frihed.

Samme fejl gør en artikel i Foreign Affairs, der efter noget ævl om kolonitiden og 1. Verdenkrig alligevel perspektiverer ganske politisk ukorrekt

The tragedy for Christians in the region is obvious. They are losing their lives, their homes, and their houses of worship. They are being driven from their ancestral homelands and forced to flee as refugees to neighboring countries where they are, in many cases, equally unwelcome.

But it is important to note that the removal of the region’s Christians is a disaster for Muslims as well. They are the ones who will be left with the task of building decent societies in the aftermath of these atrocities. And that task will be made immeasurably harder by the removal of Christians from their midst. It is not just that the memory of these brutal actions will taint these societies — perpetrators and victims alike — for the indefinite future; it is also that Muslims are removing the sort of pluralism that is the foundation for any truly democratic public life. One of the refrains of the Arab Spring has been that Muslims want to put an end to tyranny. But the only lasting guarantor of political rights is the sort of social and religious diversity that Muslims in the region are in the process of extinguishing. If nothing is done to reverse the situation, the hope for peace and prosperity in the Middle East may vanish along with the region’s Christian population.

Eller som en landflygtig muslim advarede sine landsmænd under Muhammedkrisen; “hvis I får held til at omdanne islamificere Vesten, hvor vil i så flygte hen da?”

« Previous Page

Monokultur kører på WordPress